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Muzammil Quraishi - Muslims and Crime

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Muslims and Crime
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Muzammil Quraishi
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Routledge
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Books / Religion
Year:
2005
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Muslims and Crime

First published by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2016 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Muzammil Quraishi has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Quraishi, Muzammil

Muslims and crime : a comparative study

1.Crime - Religious aspects - Islam 2.Crime -Cross-cultural studies 3.Muslims - Crimes against -Cross-cultural studies 4.Muslims - Great Britain - Social conditions 5.South Asians - Great Britain - Social conditions 6.South Asians - Great Britain - Crimes against 7.Pakistan - Social conditions

I.Title

364'.088297

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Quraishi, Muzammil.

Muslims and crime : a comparative study / by Muzammil Quraishi.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-7546-4233-X

1. Crime and race--Great Britain. 2. Muslim criminals--Great Britain. 3. Muslim criminals--Pakistan. 4. Muslims--Crimes against--Great Britain. 5. Muslims--Crimes against--Pakistan. 6. Islamophobia--Great Britain. 7. Islamophobia--Pakistan. 8. Crime--Religious aspects--Islam. 9. Criminal law (Islamic law) I. Title.

HV6947.Q87 2005

364.3'088'2970941--dc22

2005023192

ISBN: 978-0-7546-4233-6 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-3152-4849-3 (ebk)

For Ibrahim

CONTENTS

This study represents the culmination of over four years of scholarship pursuant to evaluating the experiences of South Asian Muslims as both perpetrators and victims of crime and deviance. It is a comparative study of Britain and Pakistan and is framed by the following research objectives:

to examine issues of offending and victimization amongst South Asian Muslim communities in Britain and Pakistan;
to examine the ways Islamic criminal law (al-uqbt) is understood and the impact of such understanding(s) on crime and social control among the sample;
to explore the nature of Islamophobia and its impact on South Asian Muslims in Britain and Pakistan;
to draw constructive policy-orientated conclusions in relation to offending and victimization experienced by South Asian Muslims.

The text constitutes a research monograph framed, but not restricted to, the objectives mentioned above. The data draws upon research undertaken in the UK and Pakistan between 1998 and 2002.

The impetus for undertaking the research was prompted, in part, by scarce British criminological sources in the field set against figures for a rapidly rising population of Muslims in prison (Wilson, 1999).

Terminology

Throughout the text reference is made to Arabic and Urdu words and abbreviations. Wherever deemed useful, footnotes have been included to provide immediate ease of comprehension. However, a complete list of such terms and expressions is contained in the Glossary.

The terms Asian, South Asian and Muslim are used interchangeably throughout the text. The reason for this stems partly from discrepancies in the way in which South Asian Muslims are classified in official statistics and existing academic literature. Whilst referring to studies about Asians or Muslims, effort has been made to distinguish between South Asian Muslims from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh and other groups. The focus in this study is Muslims with ethnic origins in the Indian subcontinent, particularly Pakistan. This focus is important to within British contexts for a number of reasons. Not only do South Asians constitute the largest ethnic group of Muslims in Britain, but South Asian Islamic theology and culture has directly influenced how Britain has come to know Muslims (Ahmed, 2002).

By examining South Asian Muslim communities and crime it became plainly evident that use of certain terms to describe the people being studied was clearly problematic. That is to say, with the exception of prison statistics, official criminal statistics are more likely to record ethnicity and nationality rather than religion. Researchers are prompted to make the educated assumption that figures relating to offenders of Pakistani and Bangladeshi ethnic origin are most likely to be Muslim.

Particularly problematic is the use of the term race and distinguishing it from the terms ethnic and ethnicity (Fenton, 1999). The cause of this problem is the frequently interchangeable use of these terms in popular, political and administrative discourses. However, there has been a positive movement amongst contemporary social scientists towards a qualified abandonment of the term race in favour of ethnicity. This argument is based upon a view that the term race has traditionally been associated with a nineteenth and twentieth century white Western Euro-American discourse which placed the whites, Europeans or Caucasians at the top of the evolutionary process within a science of races (Fenton, 1999:4). Within such a science of races, race was understood to control human capacities, culture and temperament in an essentially deterministic form.

It has become evident that some researchers firmly place the onus upon fellow scholars to begin a concerted effort to abandon the problematic use of the term race. Scholars of ethnicity have expressed their discomfort with the uncritical way in which some researchers use terms such as mixed race, or slave-master when researching this field (Small, 2004:81). Unless, however, use of the term race disappears from community discourse, and in turn from legislative script, it remains an extremely hopeful if not entirely idealized quest. For example consider the Race Relations Act 1976, The Commission for Racial Equality or the term inciting racial hatred in the Crime and Disorder Act 1998.

What is perhaps less problematic is the use of the term ethnic, which has a greater claim to analytical usefulness within criminology because, according to Fenton (1999:4), it is not hampered by a history of connotations with discredited science and malevolent practice in the way the term race is.

However, although the term ethnic can be considered more favourably as an analytical term, it is not always clear what is understood by it. In this respect Richard Jenkins basic anthropological model serves to provide a useful guide. Jenkins believes ethnicity is about cultural rather than biological differentiation; it is the outcome of social interaction; it changes with the culture of which it is a component and as a social identity is collective and individual (Jenkins, 1997:18).

It is important to note, however, that an absolute rejection of the term race is not advocated here but rather the use of it as an analytical term in criminological theory and conceptualisation. What prevents the complete abandonment of the term race, arguably, is the prevalence of a discourse where the idea of race remains a powerful feature of commonsense thinking and of the ordering of social relations.

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