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Ayaan Hirsi Ali - Heretic: Why Islam Needs a Reformation Now

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Ayaan Hirsi Ali Heretic: Why Islam Needs a Reformation Now
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Continuing her journey from a deeply religious Islamic upbringing to a post at Harvard, the brilliant, charismatic and controversial New York Times and Globe and Mail #1 bestselling author of Infidel and Nomad makes a powerful plea for a Muslim Reformation as the only way to end the horrors of terrorism, sectarian warfare and the repression of women and minorities.

Today, she argues, the worlds 1.6 billion Muslims can be divided into a minority of extremists, a majority of observant but peaceable Muslims and a few dissidents who risk their lives by questioning their own religion. But there is only one Islam and, as Hirsi Ali shows, there is no denying that some of its key teachingsnot least the duty to wage holy warare incompatible with the values of a free society.

For centuries it has seemed as if Islam is immune to change. But Hirsi Ali has come to believe that a Muslim Reformationa revision of Islamic doctrine aimed at reconciling the religion with modernityis now at hand, and may even have begun. The Arab Spring may now seem like a political failure. But its challenge to traditional authority revealed a new readinessnot least by Muslim womento think freely and to speak out.

Courageously challenging the jihadists, she identifies five key amendments to Islamic doctrine that Muslims have to make to bring their religion out of the seventh century and into the twenty-first. And she calls on the Western world to end its appeasement of the Islamists. Islam is not a religion of peace, she writes. It is the Muslim reformers who need our backing, not the opponents of free speech.

Interweaving her own experiences, historical analogies and powerful examples from contemporary Muslim societies and cultures, Heretic is not a call to arms, but a passionate plea for peaceful change and a new era of global toleration. In the wake of the Charlie Hebdo murders, with jihadists killing thousands from Nigeria to Syria to Pakistan, this book offers an answer to what is fast becoming the worlds number one problem.

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To Niall and Thomas CONTENTS Introduction One Islam Three Sets of Muslims - photo 1

To Niall and Thomas

CONTENTS

Introduction

One Islam, Three Sets of Muslims

Chapter 1

The Story of a Heretic: My Journey Away from Islam

Chapter 2

Why Has There Been No Muslim Reformation?

Chapter 3

Muhammad and the Quran: How Unquestioning Reverence for the Prophet and His Book Obstructs Reform

Chapter 4

Those Who Love Death: Islams Fatal Focus on the Afterlife

Chapter 5

Shackled by Sharia: How Islams Harsh Religious Code Keeps Muslims Stuck in the Seventh Century

Chapter 6

Social Control Begins at Home: How the Injunction to Command Right and Forbid Wrong Keeps Muslims in Line

Chapter 7

Jihad: Why the Call for Holy War Is a Charter for Terror

Chapter 8

The Twilight of Tolerance

Conclusion

The Muslim Reformation

Appendix

Muslim Dissidents and Reformers

INTRODUCTION

ONE ISLAM, THREE SETS OF MUSLIMS

On ______ , a group of ______ heavily armed, black-clad men burst into a ______ in ______ , opening fire and killing a total of ______ people. The attackers were filmed shouting Allahu akbar!

Speaking at a press conference, President ______ said: We condemn this criminal act by extremists. Their attempt to justify their violent acts in the name of a religion of peace will not, however, succeed. We also condemn with equal force those who would use this atrocity as a pretext for Islamophobic hate crimes.

A s I revised the introduction to this book, four months before its publication, I could of course have written something more specific, like this:

On January 7, 2015, two heavily armed, black-clad attackers burst into the offices of Charlie Hebdo in Paris, opening fire and killing a total of ten people. The attackers were filmed shouting Allahu akbar!

But, on reflection, there seemed little reason to pick Paris. Just a few weeks earlier I could equally as well have written this:

In December 2014, a group of nine heavily armed, black-clad men burst into a school in Peshawar, opening fire and killing a total of 145 people.

Indeed, I could have written a similar sentence about any number of events, from Ottawa, Canada, to Sydney, Australia, to Baga, Nigeria. So instead I decided to leave the place blank and the number of killers and victims blank, too. You, the reader, can simply fill them in with the latest case that happens to be in the news. Or, if you prefer a more historical example, you can try this:

In September 2001, a group of 19 Islamic terrorists flew hijacked planes into buildings in New York and Washington, D.C., killing 2,996 people.

For more than thirteen years now, I have been making a simple argument in response to such acts of terrorism. My argument is that it is foolish to insist, as our leaders habitually do, that the violent acts of radical Islamists can be divorced from the religious ideals that inspire them. Instead we must acknowledge that they are driven by a political ideology, an ideology embedded in Islam itself, in the holy book of the Quran as well as the life and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad contained in the hadith.

Let me make my point in the simplest possible terms: Islam is not a religion of peace.

For expressing the idea that Islamic violence is rooted not in social, economic, or political conditionsor even in theological errorbut rather in the foundational texts of Islam itself, I have been denounced as a bigot and an Islamophobe. I have been silenced, shunned, and shamed. In effect, I have been deemed to be a heretic, not just by Muslimsfor whom I am already an apostatebut by some Western liberals as well, whose multicultural sensibilities are offended by such insensitive pronouncements.

My uncompromising statements on this topic have incited such vehement denunciations that one would think I had committed an act of violence myself. For today, it seems, speaking the truth about Islam is a crime. Hate speech is the modern term for heresy. And in the present atmosphere, anything that makes Muslims feel uncomfortable is branded as hate.

In these pages, it is my intention to make many peoplenot only Muslims but also Western apologists for Islamuncomfortable. I am not going to do this by drawing cartoons. Rather, I intend to challenge centuries of religious orthodoxy with ideas and arguments that I am certain will be denounced as heretical. My argument is for nothing less than a Muslim Reformation. Without fundamental alterations to some of Islams core concepts, I believe, we shall not solve the burning and increasingly global problem of political violence carried out in the name of religion. I intend to speak freely, in the hope that others will debate equally freely with me on what needs to change in Islamic doctrine, rather than seeking to stifle discussion.

Let me illustrate with an anecdote why I believe this book is necessary.

In September 2013, I was flattered to be called by the then-president of Brandeis University, Frederick Lawrence, and offered an honorary degree in social justice, to be conferred at the universitys commencement ceremony in May 2014. All seemed well until six months later, when I received another phone call from President Lawrence, this time to inform me that Brandeis was revoking my invitation. I was stunned. I soon learned that an online petition, organized initially by the Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) and located at the website change.org, had been circulated by some students and faculty who were offended by my selection.

Accusing me of hate speech, the change.org petition began by saying that it had come as a shock to our community due to her extreme Islamophobic beliefs, that Ayaan Hirsi Ali would be receiving an Honorary Degree in Social Justice this year. The selection of Hirsi Ali to receive an honorary degree is a blatant and callous disregard by the administration of not only the Muslim students, but of any student who has experienced pure hate speech. It is a direct violation of Brandeis Universitys own moral code as well as the rights of Brandeis students.

No fewer than eighty-seven members of the Brandeis faculty had also written to express their shock and dismay at a few brief snippets of my public statements, mostly drawn from interviews I had given seven years before. I was, they said, a divisive individual. In particular, I was guilty of suggesting that:

violence toward girls and women is particular to Islam or the Two-Third World, thereby obscuring such violence in our midst among non-Muslims, including on our own campus [and]... the hard work on the ground by committed Muslim feminist and other progressive Muslim activists and scholars, who find support for gender and other equality within the Muslim tradition and are effective at achieving it.

On scrolling down the list of faculty signatories, I was struck by the strange bedfellows I had inadvertently brought together. Professors of Womens, Gender and Sexuality Studies lining up with CAIR, an organization subsequently blacklisted as a terrorist organization by the United Arab Emirates? An authority on Queer/Feminist Narrative Theory siding with the openly homophobic Islamists?

It is quite true that in February 2007, when I still resided in Holland, I told the London Evening Standard : Violence is inherent in Islam. This was one of three brief, selectively edited quotations to which the Brandeis faculty took exception. What they omitted to mention in their letter was that, less than three years before, my collaborator on a short documentary film, Theo van Gogh, had been murdered in the street in Amsterdam by a young man of Moroccan parentage named Mohammed Bouyeri. First he shot Theo eight times with a handgun. Then he shot him again as Theo, still clinging to life, pleaded for mercy. Then he cut his throat and attempted to decapitate him with a large knife. Finally, using a smaller knife, he stuck a long note to Theos body.

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