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Stephen F. Knott - Rush to Judgment: George W. Bush, the War on Terror, and His Critics

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Rush to Judgment: George W. Bush, the War on Terror, and His Critics: summary, description and annotation

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George W. Bush has been branded the worst president in history and forced to endure accusations that he abused his power while presiding over a lawless administration. Stephen Knott, however, contends that Bush has been treated unfairly, especially by presidential historians and the media. He argues that from the beginning scholars abandoned any pretense at objectivity in their critiques and seemed unwilling to place Bushs actions into a broader historical context.
In this provocative book, Knott offers a measured critique of the professoriate for its misuse of scholarship for partisan political purposes, a defense of the Hamiltonian perspective on the extent and use of executive power, and a rehabilitation of Bushs reputation from a national security viewpoint. He argues that Bushs conduct as chief executive was rooted in a tradition extending as far back as George Washington-not an imperial presidency but rather an activist one that energetically executed its constitutional prerogatives.
Given that one of the main indictments of Bush focuses on his alleged abuse of presidential war power, Knott takes on academic critics like Sean Wilentz and Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and journalists like Charlie Savage to argue instead that Bush conducted the War on Terror in a manner faithful to the Framers intent-that in situations involving national security he rightly assumed powers that neither Congress nor the courts can properly restrain. Knott further challenges Bushs detractors for having applied a relatively recent, revisionist understanding of the Constitution in arguing that Bushs actions were out of bounds.
Ultimately, Knott makes a worthy case that, while Bush was not necessarily a great president, his national security policies were in keeping with the practices of Americas most revered presidents and, for that reason alone, he deserves a second look by those who have condemned him to the ash heap of history. All readers interested in the presidency and in American history writ large will find Rush to Judgment a deftly argued, perhaps deeply unsettling, yet balanced account of the Bush presidencyand a clarion call for a reexamination of how scholars determine presidential greatness and failure.

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Rush to Judgment Rush to Judgment GEORGE W BUSH THE WAR ON TERROR AND HIS - photo 1
Rush to Judgment
Rush to Judgment
GEORGE W. BUSH,
THE WAR ON TERROR,
AND HIS CRITICS
Stephen F. Knott
2012 by the University Press of Kansas All rights reserved Published by the - photo 2
2012 by the University Press of Kansas
All rights reserved
Published by the University Press of Kansas (Lawrence, Kansas 66045), which was organized by the Kansas Board of Regents and is operated and funded by Emporia State University, Fort Hays State University, Kansas State University, Pittsburg State University, the University of Kansas, and Wichita State University
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Knott, Stephen F.
Rush to judgment : George W. Bush, the war on terror, and his critics /
Stephen F. Knott.
pages cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-7006-1831-6 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7006-2022-7 (pbk : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-0-7006-2063-0 (ebook)
1. Bush, George W. (George Walker), 1946 2. United StatesPolitics and governmentand government 20012009. 3. War on Terrorism, 20012009. I. Title.
E902.K64 2012
973.931092dc23
2011044468
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data is available.
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
The paper used in this publication is recycled and contains 30 percent postconsumer waste. It is acid free and meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1992.
For Maura, as you begin a new chapter in your life
If a federal Constitution could chain the ambition or set bounds to the exertions of all other nations, then indeed might it prudently chain the discretion of its own government, and set bounds to the exertions for its own safety. The means of security can only be regulated by the means and the danger of attack. They will, in fact, be ever determined by these rules and by no others.
James Madison, Federalist No. 41
It is incumbent on those only who accept of great charges, to risk themselves on great occasions, when the safety of the nation, or some of its very high interests are at stake. An officer is bound to obey orders; yet he would be a bad one who should do it in cases for which they were not intended, and which involved the most important consequences. The line of discrimination between cases may be difficult; but the good officer is bound to draw it at his own peril, and throw himself on the justice of his country and the rectitude of his motives.
Thomas Jefferson, Letter to
John B. Colvin, September 20, 1810
I did understand that my oath to preserve the constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government that nation of which that constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the constitution? By general law life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the constitution, through the preservation of the nation.
Abraham Lincoln, Letter to Albert Hodges, April 4, 1864
The great enemy of the truth is very often not the lie deliberate, contrived and dishonest but the myth persistent, persuasive and unrealistic.
John F. Kennedy, Yale University
Commencement Address, June 11, 1962
CONTENTS
2Bushs Inheritance:
An Imperiled Presidency
Conclusion:
An Unfair Indictment
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wrote this book for anyone and everyone who is interested in the American presidency and in American history writ large. It is not intended as a primer for partisans, although undoubtedly there is much here that will delight the more politically conservative reader. The only bias I in fact bring to this work is a bias in favor of the presidency, an institution that, as historian Forrest McDonald has rightly observed, is responsible for less harm and more good, in the nation and in the world, than perhaps any other secular institution in history.
Rush to Judgment offers an alternative to the widely popularized account of the presidency of George W. Bush, which contends that Bush was a failure, and worse, that his administration engaged in an unparalleled effort to usurp power and trample on the Constitution. It is my hope that this book will be read with an open mind, especially by those who found themselves at odds with the principles and practices of the Bush administration. As the presidency of Barack Obama has demonstrated, dealing with the nations foreign policy and security challenges is a remarkably challenging job, and the simple solutions of the campaign trail usually do not survive the transition from candidacy to residency at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
I am indebted to a number of friends and colleagues who provided valuable advice and encouragement, including Mike Waters, Delane Clark, Katrina Gosdin Kuhn, Ken Masugi, Jeremy Bailey, Mac Owens, Melanie Marlowe, Gil Troy, Greg Schneider, and John Duck. Special thanks are due to Fred Woodward, Susan Schott, Kelly Chrisman Jacques, and Sara Henderson White at the University Press of Kansas, along with Kathleen Rocheleau of A to Z Indexing, and, first and foremost my wife, Maryanne, and Maura, to whom this book is dedicated.
Rush to Judgment
Introduction
The Worst President in History?
The American presidency can be a crucible for whoever occupies the office, the ultimate test of a persons character and abilities. Before serving as president Thomas Jefferson described the presidency as a splendid misery, and near the end of his second term he wrote, Five more weeks will relieve me from a drudgery to which I am no longer equal. James Buchanan referred to the presidency as a crown of thorns, and Grover Cleveland saw his election to the highest office in the land as a dreadful self-inflicted penance for the good of my country. George W. Bush left office with his spirits seemingly intact, despite having been subjected to a level of criticism that set a new low for demagoguery, equaled perhaps only by the vitriol leveled against other wartime presidents, including Abraham Lincoln and Harry S. Truman.
The accusation that President Bush abused his power and presided over a lawless administration was leveled repeatedly against the forty-third president and persists to this day, as this book will demonstrate. In some ways this is nothing new, for partisans on both sides of the political spectrum have long engaged in displays of hypocrisy regarding presidential power, criticizing only presidents belonging to the party (or parties) opposing their own. But although presidents have always been the target of heated rhetoric from their political opponents and the media, much of the demagoguery directed toward President Bush came from historians and political scientists, including those who consider themselves presidential scholars. This is a relatively new and disturbing development. The fact that scholarly concerns over executive power seem to emerge during the tenure of assertive Republican presidents undermines the argument of those favoring a restrained presidency. The principle of the rule of law and deference to the courts and Congress, in order to be credible, should be consistently applied regardless of partisan affiliation or the charismatic personal qualities of whoever happens to be president at a given time.
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