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Barton Gellman - Angler: the Cheney vice presidency

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Barton Gellman Angler: the Cheney vice presidency

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Angler
Also by Barton Gellman

Contending with Kennan:

Toward a Philosophy of American Power

Angler

T HE C HENEY V ICE P RESIDENCY

Barton Gellman

T HE P ENGUIN P RESS
N EW Y ORK
2008

THE PENGUIN PRESS
Published by the Penguin Group
Penguin Group (USA) Inc., 375 Hudson Street, New York, New York 10014, U.S.A. Penguin Group (Canada), 90 Eglinton Avenue East, Suite 700, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M4P 2Y3 (a division of Pearson Penguin Canada Inc.) Penguin Books Ltd, 80 Strand, London WC2R 0RL, England Penguin Ireland, 25 St. Stephens Green, Dublin 2, Ireland (a division of Penguin Books Ltd) Penguin Books Australia Ltd, 250 Camberwell Road, Camberwell, Victoria 3124, Australia (a division of Pearson Australia Group Pty Ltd) Penguin Books India Pvt Ltd, 11 Community Centre, Panchsheel Park, New Delhi110 017, India Penguin Group (NZ), 67 Apollo Drive, Rosedale, North Shore 0632, New Zealand (a division of Pearson New Zealand Ltd) Penguin Books (South Africa) (Pty) Ltd, 24 Sturdee Avenue, Rosebank, Johannesburg 2196, South Africa

Penguin Books Ltd, Registered Offices:
80 Strand, London WC2R 0RL, England

First published in 2008 by The Penguin Press, a member of Penguin Group (USA) Inc.

Copyright Barton Gellman, 2008
All rights reserved

Photograph credits
Insert page 1 (both): David Burnett/Contact Press Images; 2 (above): AP Photo/Jerry Laizure; 2 (below), 3, 5 (below): Eric Draper/White House; 4 (above): White House; 4 (below): AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite; 5 (above): AP Photo/ The Herald and News, Ron Winn; 6 (above): Charles Ommanney/Contact Press Images; 6 (below left): Brendan Smialowski/ Getty Images; 6 (below right): Stefan Ruiz; 7 (above): AP Photo/Haraz Ghanbari; 7 (below): Charles Ommanney/Getty Images; 8: David Bohrer/White House

While the author has made every effort to provide accurate Internet addresses at the time of publication, neither the publisher nor the author assumes any responsibility for errors or for changes that occur after publication. Further, the publisher does not have any control over and does not assume any responsibility for author or third-party Web sites or their content.

ISBN: 978-1-4406-2982-2

Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the above publisher of this book.

The scanning, uploading, and distribution of this book via the Internet or via any other means without the permission of the publisher is illegal and punishable by law. Please purchase only authorized electronic editions and do not participate in or encourage electronic piracy of copyrightable materials. Your support of the authors rights is appreciated.

For Dafna, my soul mate

C ONTENTS

Angler
Chapter One
A V ERY S HORT L IST

F rank Keating reached for the telephone on a desk the size of a Cadillac sedan. He was the picture of a governor in command, the first Republican to break the Oklahoma jinx on reelection. Working oil rigs outside his windowdrilled right there on the capitol grounds, living relics of the old frontier exuberancepumped cash into a booming state economy. Keating had big plans for the second term, not least the construction of a grand new dome atop the statehouse. And now here came Dick Cheney on the line. Truth was, Keating had been half expecting the call.

The week before, a Dear Frank note had arrived from George W. Bush. Keatings Texas neighbor had locked up the Republican presidential nomination on Super Tuesday, besting John McCain in six of ten states. Now Bush wanted advice on a running mate, one of the most important decisions I will make this year, he wrote on May 18, 2000. A form letter, Keating knew. The newspapers said Bush sent one to every big name in the GOP.

And yetKeating could not help but tally his prospects. He was fifty-six years old, telegenic and tough and going places. Bush admired the way Keating handled himself in 1995, when homegrown terrorists in a Ryder van blew up the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building across town. The two men had a friendly football rivalry, liked to bet on Sooners-Longhorns games, and watched each others back in national politics. Bush supported Keating to chair the Republican governors; Keating endorsed Bush for president early on. More than endorsed himKeating vouched for Bush with right-to-lifers, who needed the reassurance, and he delivered his Oklahoma political machine. All that and the right kind of rsumspecial agent in the FBI, U.S. attorney, senior posts in Washington at Treasury, Justice, and Housing. True, Keating did not offer a whole lot of balance to the ticket. He was an oil-state fiscal conservative, hawkish on the death penalty and union-busting right-to-work laws. Too much like Bush, most probably. Still, a person might wonder.

Cheney dialed the call himself. A lot of people liked that in a man of his rank, the sense that he refused to take on airs. The habit had other aspects. Cheney was chairman of a Fortune 500 company and had been a war-winning secretary of defense. Phoning unannounced had a way of catching people off balance, depriving them of that Hold, please moment to collect their thoughts. Aides said Cheney liked a glimpse at an unstudied interlocutor on the other end of the line. When Keating picked up, Cheney said his piece without preamble.

The governor would like to have you be considered as running mate, he said.

Cheney let the statement hang, in that disconcerting way of his, stopping before the other person quite expects. Keating found nothing to read in the mans flat, clipped tone. He waited a beat, then probed.

Dick, I dont really do anything for you-all, Keating said, thinking Cheney might add a word or two.

Cheney chose to take that as a question of geography.

No, it doesnt matter, Cheney said. Oklahoma and Texas, you may be joined by a border, but that is not a factor to us. Would you be willing to fill out all the paperwork?

Indirection was getting Keating nowhere. He decided to ask flat out. Was this just a friendly gesture, or was Bush serious? Before running for governor, Keating had been through FBI background checks and four Senate confirmation hearings. He knew, or thought he did, what it meant to hand cool-eyed strangers the keys to every lockbox in his life. He did not care to go through that again without good cause.

I want you to know the list is a very short list, Cheney replied.

People would talk about all kinds of names, Cheney said matter-of-factly, but most of them would be decoys. Three, maybe four, were genuine. Keatings was one of those, Cheney said. The next day a thick envelope arrived. Inside was the most demanding questionnaire the Oklahoma governor had ever seen.

Keating knew Cheney, trusted him. He had helped recruit Cheney five years before to chair the memorial committee for Oklahoma City bombing victims. Later, Cheney headlined a fund-raiser for Keatings reelection campaign. My relationship with Cheney was a good one, a correct one, and one that I thought was aboveboard and transparent, Keating recalled. It turned into a very unpleasant association.

What happened after that was prologue to the play of Cheneys two terms as vice president. Amid stealth and misdirection, with visible formalities obscuring the action offstage, Cheney served as producer for Bushs first presidential decision. Somewhere along the way he stepped aside as head of casting, taking the part of Bushs running mate before anyone really auditioned. And he dodged most of the paperwork, bypassing the extraordinary scrutiny he devised for other candidates.

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