THE GERMAN FLEET
BEING THE COMPANION VOLUME TO "THE FLEETS AT WAR"
AND "FROM HELIGOLAND TO KEELING ISLAND."
BY
ARCHIBALD HURD
AUTHOR (JOINT) OF "GERMAN SEA-POWER, ITS RISE, PROGRESS
AND ECONOMIC BASIS."
HODDER AND STOUGHTON
LONDON NEW YORK TORONTO
MCMXV
CONTENT
CHAPTER | PAGE |
I. |
II. |
III. |
IV. |
V. |
VI. |
VII. |
APPENDIX I. |
APPENDIX II. |
INTRODUCTION
In the history of nations there is probably no chapter more fascinating and arresting than that which records the rise and fall and subsequent resurrection of German sea-power.
In our insular pride, conscious of our glorious naval heritage, we are apt to forget that Germany had a maritime past, and that long before the German Empire existed the German people attained pre-eminence in oversea commerce and created for its protection fleets which exercised commanding influence in northern waters.
It is an error, therefore, to regard Germany as an up-start naval Power. The creation of her modern navy represented the revival of ancient hopes and aspirations. To those ambitions, in their unaggressive form, her neighbours would have taken little exception; Germany had become a great commercial Power with colonies overseas, and it was natural that she should desire to possess a navy corresponding to her growing maritime interests and the place which she had already won for herself in the sun.
The more closely the history of German sea-power is studied the more apparent it must become, that it was not so much Germany's Navy Acts, as the propaganda by which they were supported and the new and aggressive spirit which her naval organisation brought into maritime affairs that caused uneasiness throughout the world and eventually created that feeling of antagonism which found expression after the opening of war in August, 1914.
In the early part of 1913 I wrote, in collaboration with a friend who possessed intimate knowledge of the foundations and the strength of the German Empire, a history of the German naval movement, particular emphasis being laid on its economic basis. In the preparation of the present volume I have drawn upon this former work. It has been impossible, however, in the necessarily limited compass of one of the Daily Telegraph War Books, to deal with the economic basis upon which the German Navy has been created. I believe that the chapters in "German Sea-Power" with reference to this aspect of German progressfor which my collaborator was responsible and of which, therefore, I can speak without reservestill constitute a unique presentation of the condition of Germany on the eve of the outbreak of war.
Much misconception exists as to the staying power of Germany. The German Empire as an economic unit is not of mushroom growth. Those readers who are sufficiently interested in the subject of the basis of German vitality, will realise vividly by reference to "German Sea-Power" the deep and well-laid foundations upon which not only the German Navy, but the German Empire rest.
Whether this history should be regarded as the romance of the German Navy or the tragedy of the German Navy must for the present remain an open question. In everyday life many romances culminate in tragedy, and the course of events in the present war suggest that the time may be at hand when the German people will realise the series of errors committed by their rulers in the upbuilding of German sea-power. Within the past fifteen years it is calculated that about 300,000,000 has been spent in the maintenance and expansion of the German Fleet, the improvement of its bases, and the enlargement of the Kiel Canal. Much of this money has been raised by loans. Those loans are still unpaid; it was believed by a large section of the German people that Great Britain, hampered by party politics and effete in all warlike pursuits, would, after defeat, repay them. That hope must now be dead.
The German people, as the memorandum which accompanied the Navy Act of 1900 reveals, were led to anticipate that the Fleet, created by the sacrifice of so much treasure, would not only guarantee their shores against aggression, but would give absolute protection to their maritime and colonial interests, and would, eventually, pay for itself. The time will come when they will recognise that from the first they have been hoodwinked and deceived by those in authority over them. It may be that German statesmen, and the Emperor himself, were themselves deceived by the very brilliance of the dreams of world power which they entertained and by the conception which they had formed of the lack of virility, sagacity and prescience of those responsible for the fortunes of other countries, and of Great Britain in particular.
German Navy Acts were passed in full confidence that during the period when they were being carried into effect the rest of the world would stand still, lost in admiration of Germany's culture and Germany's power. The mass of the German people were unwilling converts to the new gospel. They had to be convinced of the wisdom of the new policy. For this purpose a Press Bureau was established. Throughout the German States this organisation fostered, through the official and semi-official Press, feelings of antagonism and hatred towards other countries, and towards England and the United States especially, because these two countries were Germany's most serious rivals in the commercial markets of the world, and also possessed sea-power superior to her own.
It is interesting to recall in proof of this dual aim of German policy the remarks of von Edelsheim, a member of the German General Staff, in a pamphlet entitled "Operationen Ubersee."
The author, after first pointing out the possibility of invading England, turned his attention to the United States. His remarks are so interesting in view of the activity of German agents on the other side of the Atlantic after the outbreak of war, that it is perhaps excusable to quote at some length this explanation by a member of the German General Staff of how the German Fleet was to be used against the United States as an extension of the power of the huge German Army.
"The possibility must be taken into account that the fleet of the United States will at first not venture into battle, but that it will withdraw into fortified harbours, in order to wait for a favourable opportunity of achieving minor successes. Therefore it is clear that naval action alone will not be decisive against the United States, but that combined action of army and navy will be required. Considering the great extent of the United States, the conquest of the country by an army of invasion is not possible. But there is every reason to believe that victorious enterprises on the Atlantic coast, and the conquest of the most important arteries through which imports and exports pass, will create such an unbearable state of affairs in the whole country that the Government will readily offer acceptable conditions in order to obtain peace.
"If Germany begins preparing a fleet of transports and troops for landing purposes at the moment when the battle fleet steams out of our harbours, we may conclude that operations on the American soil can begin after about four weeks, and it cannot be doubted that the United States will not be able to oppose to us within that time an army equivalent to our own.
"At present the regular army of the United States amounts to 65,000 men, of whom only 30,000 could be disposed of. Of these at least 10,000 are required for watching the Indian territories and for guarding the fortifications on the sea coast. Therefore only about 20,000 men of the regular army are ready for war. Besides, about 100,000 militia are in existence, of whom the larger part did not come up when they were called out during the last war. Lastly, the militia is not efficient; it is partly armed with muzzle-loaders, and its training is worse than its armament.