Thomas J. Spinner Jr. - A Political and Social History of Guyana, 1945-1983
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Originally published in 1984, this is a documented account of the political history of the former British colony of Guyana. Providing a reflection of the increasing involvement of the United States in the Caribbean and Central America on the long-term political, social and economic effect that intervention can have on the small states of less developed countries during the period of 1945 to 1983. The text includes a detailed historical account of post-World War II politics and moves onto the emergence of the nationalist movement in Guyana in the late 1940s and the cold war period of the 1950s; concluding with the consequences both politically and economically in the 1980s.
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A Political and Social History of Guyana, 19451983
About the Book and Author
A Political and Social History of Guyana, 19451983
Thomas J. Spinner, Jr.
The Jonestown catastrophe of 1978 turned the attention of the world to Guyana, a small state on the northern coast of South America. Many people were surprised to discover an extraordinary ethnic mosaic dominated by the descendants of Black slaves and indentured East Indian laborersan ethnic mix that has been troubled by racial strife. Two charismatic leaders, the Soviet-influenced East Indian, Cheddi Jagan, and the Black moderate socialist, Forbes Burnham, have towered over Guyanas political life. U.S. assistance pushed Burnham to power in 1964 as Washington feared Jagan might become another Castro. Yet, shortly after his rise to power, Burnham turned to the left. Twenty years later, he remains in control even though he has lost support from his Black followers; there have been well-substantiated accusations of electoral fraud and his political base has so narrowed that he now relies for support on the police and the Guyana Defense Force.
Concentrating on the period since 1945, Dr. Spinner investigates the historical origins of the political, economic, and social problems that confront the Guyanese people. He analyzes the options available to them, assesses the possible role of the new multiracial party, the Working Peoples Alliance, and considers whether it was inevitable that a pluralistic society should break apart when the British departed, or whether it was ambitious political leaders, cold-war machinations, and foreign intervention that led to violence between East Indians and Blacks.
Dr. Thomas J. Spinner, Jr., professor of history, University of Vermont, is a former Visiting Fulbright Lecturer at the University of Guyana.
First published in 1984 by Westview Press
Published in 2021 by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1984 by Taylor & Francis
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 84-40377
ISBN 0-86531-852-2
ISBN 13: 978-0-3670-1989-1 (hbk)
ISBN 13: 978-0-3671-6976-3 (pbk)
DOI: 10.4324/9780429049750
To Nicole, Carolyn, and Tommy
Contents
Foreword
Chapter 2 CHEDDI JAGAN, FORBES BURNHAM, AND THE PEOPLES PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Chapter 3 ELECTIONS AND GUNBOATS
Chapter 4 STRIFE AND DIVISION
Chapter 5 RETURN TO CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT
Chapter 6 RACIAL WARFARE AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION
Chapter 7 GOVERNMENT BY COALITION
Chapter 8 KING FORBES I
Chapter 9 JONESTOWN AND THE HOUSE-MOUSE REFERENDUM
Chapter 10 WHAT HAPPENS TO A DREAM DEFERRED?
Abbreviations
Critical Bibliography
Select Bibliography
Index
- Foreword Page
- Chapter 2 Cheddi Jagan, Forbes Burnham, and the Peoples Progressive Party
- Chapter 3 Elections and Gunboats
- Chapter 4 Strife and Division
- Chapter 5 Return to Constitutional Government
- Chapter 6 Racial Warfare and Foreign Intervention
- Chapter 7 Government by Coalition
- Chapter 8 King Forbes I
- Chapter 9 Jonestown and the House-Mouse Referendum
- Chapter 10 What Happens to a Dream Deferred?
- Abbreviations
- Critical Bibliography
- Select Bibliography
- Index
- ii
- iii
- x
- xi
- xii
- xiii
- xiv
- xv
- xvi
Guide
- Foreword Page
- Abbreviations
- Critical Bibliography
- Select Bibliography
- Index
Foreword
It is easy to forget that Guyanas history is about the Guyanese people. Reference is made so constantly to the racial parts constituting the whole that one may neglect the valiant efforts being made by so many Guyanese to fulfill the national motto: One People, One Nation, One Destiny.
But the harsh reality of racial tension and violence cannot be avoided. The descendants of Africans, East Indians, Portuguese, English, Chinese, and Amerindians have not yet constructed an integrated society. Central to an understanding of Guyana today is the brutal bitterness and hostility that came to divide, in particular, the East Indian and African peoples.
Unlike many Caribbean communities, Guyanese of African descent seem to prefer the term African to either black or negro. Colored or mixed are the words employed for the mulatto or for any blacks who are partially white. While the colored people aspired to be a part of white society during the slave era, they now identify themselves with the black or African community in the confrontation with the East Indians. One element of confusionamong many othersis that the East Indian, while caucasian or white, may be quite brown. For that matter, as A. J. P. Taylor noted, there is no white race; white people are really rather pinkish.
Although the East Indians have, in general, married within their own community, some have not. It becomes almost impossibleperhaps a good signto classify the permutations and combinations that can occur when you mix African, East Indian, Chinese, English, Portuguese, and Amerindian. While many valid generalizations can be made with regard to racial attitudes, some exceptions are inevitable.
Ultimately, what matters most is the search for ones own identity. This search too seldomly concludes with a recognition of the common humanity uniting us all. Herder, Mazzini, and other great liberal and cultural nationalists conceived of nationalism as a step toward the full realization of ones human qualities. Unfortunately, the generous nationalism of an earlier age has too often degenerated into the fierce, barbarous cries of national superiority that have poisoned the twentieth century. Nationalism may turn cruel and vicious, but it can also be kind and generous. Patriotism may be the last refuge of a scoundrel; it can also be the means by which unity and a sense of purpose are achieved, especially in an artificially created state in a hostile geographic region to which were transported thousands of slaves and indentured laborers.
Surrounded as we are with racial, ethnic, religious, and political conflict, it may seem pointless to investigate the problems of a tiny, English-speaking state in the northern part of South America. Yet, this country contains such a variety of ethnic groups, religious bodies, and political factions that it is possible to enlarge our understanding of both ourselves and the world by a careful observation of Guyanese history in the twentieth century. There is tragedy and grandeur in the story of this small nation called British Guiana prior to independence in 1966.
Until the Jonestown catastrophe of 1978, few Americans had given much thought to Guyana. As large as Great Britain in area, most of Guyanas population of 800,000 is wedged into a narrow coastal strip. One of the worlds more cosmopolitan, smaller nations, East Indians comprise 51 percent of the population; blacks and mulattoes, 43 percent; the original Amerindian inhabitants, about 4 percent; while a final 2 percent is made up mostly of Portuguese, English, and Chinese. About 55 percent of the population is Christian, 36 percent Hindu, and 9 percent Moslem. Few nations could boast, during the 1970s, a Chinese president, Arthur Chung, a black prime minister, Forbes Burnham, and an East Indian, Cheddi Jagan, leading the major opposition party.
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