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Robert Dozier - For King, Constitution, and Country: The English Loyalists and the French Revolution

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England trembled in 1792. In May, George III issued a proclamation warning his subjects of diverse wicked and seditious writings then being circulated which might excite tumult and disorder. The response to this proclamationan unprecedented expression of loyalty to crown and constitutionmarked the beginnings of a movement that was to influence British political life well into the nineteenth century. For King, Constitution, and Country is the first full-scale exploration of the nature and origins of this loyalist movement.

The British government had genuine cause for concern. While France was convulsed by revolution across the Channel, the writings of Tom Paine and the actions of organized English radicals seemed designed to import that revolution to England. The formation of loyal associations throughout the country indicated that the overwhelming majority of Englishmen opposed such aims, and their public declarations of loyalty strengthened the hand of government in suppressing dissent, real or imagined. When war with France was declared in 1793, the loyalists, already organized, continued to provide social stability, as well as money and menthe volunteer corpsto defend their country.

Until now historians have concentrated on the radical side of this struggle. Robert R. Doziers detailed studybased on sources as diverse as the private papers of government officials, provincial newspapers, and the declarations of radical and loyal societies throughout Englandnow makes possible a balanced view of this chaotic period. Mr. Dozier shows that the English loyalists rejected the French Revolution on social as well as political grounds, and argues persuasively that their words and actions enabled England to escape the legacy of revolution that was to plague the Continent throughout the following century.

This important book reveals much about the character of the English people, the structure of English political society, the nature of Englands unwritten constitution, and the breadth of English liberties.

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Robert Dozier
For King, Constitution, and Country: The English Loyalists and the French Revolution

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FOR KING CONSTITUTION AND COUNTRY The English Loyalists and the French - photo 1
FOR KING,
CONSTITUTION,
AND COUNTRY
The English Loyalists and the French Revolution ROBERT R DOZIER - photo 2
The English Loyalists
and the French
Revolution
ROBERT R DOZIER Copyright 1983 by The University Press of Kentucky - photo 3
ROBERT R. DOZIER
Copyright 1983 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the - photo 4
Copyright 1983 by The University Press of Kentucky
Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth,
serving Bellarmine College, Berea College, Centre
College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University,
The Filson Club, Georgetown College, Kentucky
Historical Society, Kentucky State University,
Morehead State University, Murray State University,
Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University,
University of Kentucky, University of Louisville,
and Western Kentucky University.
Editorial and Sales Offices: Lexington, Kentucky 40506-0024
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Dozier, Robert R., 1932
For king, constitution, and country.
Bibliography: p.
1. Great BritainHistory17891820. 2. France>HistoryRevolution17891793Influence. I. Title. II. Title: English Loyalists and the French Revolution.
DA520.D69 1983 941.07'3 83-1221
ISBN 978-0-8131-5203-5
CONTENTS PREFACE The pu - photo 5
CONTENTS
PREFACE The publication of Albert Goodwins Friends of Liberty The English - photo 6
PREFACE The publication of Albert Goodwins Friends of Liberty The English - photo 7
PREFACE
The publication of Albert Goodwins Friends of Liberty The English Democratic - photo 8
The publication of Albert Goodwins Friends of Liberty: The English Democratic Movement in the Age of the French Revolution (1979) has revealed a noticeable gap in our knowledge of late eighteenth-century history. We know practically nothing about the activities of tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of Englishmen who rallied to the defense of English institutions and values during the early years of the French Revolution. These people, who called themselves loyalists, formed a movement which had profound effects upon domestic developments as well as upon the workings of the constitution, strengthening its flexible, evolutionary tendencies. Until Goodwin finally classified the nature of the radical movement, however, the nature of the radicals enemies, the loyalists, was little understood. Because of the size of the loyalist movement, some aspects of it could not be overlooked by historians. Yet its nature, goals, and activities, its continuity and transformations, could never be understood or placed in context until the reasons for its existence, the radical responses to the French Revolution, had been thoroughly explored.
Historians have had difficulty in interpreting the importance of the radicals and loyalists since the turn of the century. In the pre-World War I era, three historians, G.S. Veitch, P.A. Brown, and Elie Halevy, examined the democratic and loyal association movements and concluded that the former was relatively innocent, whereas the latter was part of the Pitt governments policy of repression. Indeed, Halevy insisted that the possibility of Englands participating in a revolution at the time had nothing to do with either movement but stemmed from a different emphasis among the possible leaders of the English people. Pointing to the growing evangelical movement, Halevy concluded that the leaders of the working classes were involved in a crusade which offered no threat to the constituted authorities. From this perspective, the loyal association movement was an overreaction, a near panic that had little to do with reality.
This point of view was maintained during the interwar years. G.M. Trevelyan, H.W.C. Davis, D.G. Barnes, and Keith Feiling wrote variations on the theme established by the earlier historians. To Trevelyan, the Pitt ministry, by mobilizing the militia (the spark which generated or increased the activities of loyalists), was attempting only to aid the delusion Englishmen held about the possibility of revolution. Davis, believing that the revolutionary threat was never great, castigated Pitt and his ministers for overreacting and charged that they ruined a good cause by overestimating the importance of the English radicals. Barnes thought Pitt was merely attempting to play upon the fears which divided the Whigs, hoping to make a split in their ranks permanent. Feilings analysis, on the other hand, lauded the competency of the Pitt ministry in dealing with possible dangers in the domestic situation, although he too believed those possibilities overblown. The loyal movement, he believed, was prompted more by anti-French than by anti-Jacobin sentiment.
While little was added to our knowledge about either the democratic or the loyal movement by these historians, the connection between the radicals and the French was more than once touched upon. That there was a burst of patriotism, all conceded, yet this patriotism, when coupled with governmental influence, was condemned. The loyalists, it appeared, were opposing some of the cherished ideals of the English, such as free speech, the right of association, and the right of all to have some influence on government. The radicals, on the other hand, were applauded as the forerunners of later reformers, although their intentions and numbers made their influence upon events relatively slight.
Although challenged in 1949 by Herbert Butterfield, this view persisted until Robert Palmer published The Democratic Revolution of the West: The Struggle in 1964. While still insisting that there was no danger of revolution in England, Palmer noted new works appearing which opposed his views. Even as he published, four important works appeared which changed the direction of scholarship about this period of history. The most important of these was E.P. Thompsons The Making of the English Working Class. Thompson not only demonstrated the revolutionary nature and activities of the English radicals, but also viewed the loyal movement as a semiofficial reactionary aberration, ruining whatever chances the English might have had for democratic reforms. While Thompsons goal was to discover the awakening class consciousness of the English workingman, he dealt more deeply with the English workingmans response to the French Revolution than had any previous scholar, and opened avenues for future research that are still unexplored.
Appearing at the same time were the first attempts to explore the loyal association movement in itself by Austin Mitchell, E.C. Black, and Donald Ginter. Mitchells work was the best attempt to explain why so many Englishmen opposed the intrusion of French principles into England, yet, by examining but a small part of the loyal movement, he cast it in an ideological framework which allowed an immediate challenge from Ginter. To oppose Mitchells conclusion that practically all of England was turning conservative, Ginter attempted to demonstrate that, because so many ex-reformers joined the ranks of the loyalists, they captured a sizable proportion of it. Blacks condemnation of the loyalists further confused the picture of the nature of the loyal movement. A step forward had been taken, however, for the increased information published about the radicals and loyalists could not help but connect the two movements and imply that understanding either depended upon understanding the other.
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