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Laurie Penny - Bitch Doctrine: Essays for Dissenting Adults

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An invaluable case for truth-telling in an age of chaos and lies. --Emily Nussbaum[Penny] bravely keeps thinking and talking and learning and trying to make the world better. --Caitlin MoranSmart and provocative, witty and uncompromising, this collection of Laurie Pennys celebrated essays establishes her as one of the most important and vibrant political voices of our time. Bitch Doctrine takes an unflinching look at the definitive issues of our age, from the shock of Donald Trumps election and the victories of the far right to online harassment and the transgender rights movement.Penny is lyrical and passionate in her desire to confront injustice, and shes writing at the raw edge of a revolution-hungry zeitgeist, a time when it has never been more vital to actively question and fiercely dispute all forms of complacency, including social norms. This darkly comic, often biting yet empathic, revelatory collection will inform, challenge, and engage, and give readers hope and tools for change.Prolific feminist writer Laurie Penny is mad as hell in her new collection, Bitch Doctrine. . . Expect essays on how the Trump administration is f---ing with us, how marginalized people are in danger in our current political climate, or how the inequality of women is never-ending. But whats to relish most is Pennys distinct voice and snarky takes that have made her previous works--including six books and countless viral articles--so popular. - W Magazine, 10 Hottest New BooksSometimes enraging, sometimes enchanting, often both at once . . . A raw, bright, urgent voice . . . Like Caitlin Moran, another compulsive and essentially self-taught writer, she went to places others didnt and brought back things they had missed. - The GuardianThe feminist writer Laurie Penny gives us short essays on everything from the trials of being trolled to why exactly she calls herself polyamorous and genderqueer . . . Precise and rational . . . Provocative. - VogueIn this essay collection, Penny uses wit and sharp reporting to challenge the rise of the populist far-right. - ElleA writer and polemicist, a bad-ass, contrary, angry, bisexual troublemaker who is never happier than when shes upsetting someone, or preferably everyone . . . We need her. - The TimesBitch Doctrine is a powerful and fiercely funny series of articles laying out a radical vision of a kinder world. Its a book that argues not only for justice and equality but for humor, for WiFi, for Battlestar Galactica and sugary tea and the pleasure of nuzzling your face in a dogs neck. According to Penny, revolution and joyful diversion are not mutually exclusive. We can have our cake and our Cake Boss, too. - The Village VoiceForget Sex and the City, Penny doesnt give a damn about the politics of waxing or how small your pants are. Shes more interested in analysing the battles we face around gender under late capitalism . . . We are dealing with a new world order. - The ObserverEach essay glimmers with aha! moments of realization and sparks with right on! sparks of solidarity. From the rise of Donald Trump and the retrograde policies of a new administration to the turmoil created by Brexit, Penny provides a rational but righteous voice in the midst of swirling anger, confusion, idolatry, and sanctimony. Zestfully indignant, resolute, and implacable, Pennys bold and brave commitment assures women of all generations that they have a tenacious ally, persistent observer, and feisty advocate in the always raging, never-resolved culture wars. - starred review, BooklistIntelligent and defiant, Penny probes the current anti-feminist backlash while exploring zones of social discomfort, all in the name of imagining a society beyond patriarchy. Polemical writing at its thoughtful best. - Kirkus ReviewsIf you are paying attention to todays social movements youre going to like this book a lot . . . Laurie Penny is a smart, nuanced thinker. - Book RiotPenny is one of the first feminist writers to grow up within, and so instinctively understand, both the possibilities and the dangers of this relatively new cyber world. - New StatesmanHow Penny responds to both praise and criticism offers an invaluable model for being vocal about politics on the Internet, especially as a woman. - The Pacific StandardIf youve followed Pennys work, youll know that the thing that sets her apart from other enraged columnists is her empathy. She understands exactly what her opponents are thinking, and why, precisely, they are full of shit. This is a delight of a book. Pennys essays are righteous ones. - Cory Doctorow, author of Little BrotherFunny, angry, clear and true. Laurie Penny takes no prisoners--shed rather free em. - Joss WhedonLaurie Penny is the tits. Witty and brazen, a force for both decency and revolution, shes a swashbuckling rhetorician, a daring reporter and an all-around fabulous broad. Bitch Doctrineprovides an invaluable case for truth-telling in an age of chaos and lies. - Emily Nussbaum, Pulitzer Prize-winning New Yorker film criticLaurie Penny has focused the unflinching gaze of the writer onto the reality of crisis. - Paul Mason, author of PostcapitalismLaurie Penny is a writer and journalist. Her work appears in Vice, the Guardian and many other publications. She is a columnist and Contributing Editor at the New Statesman and Editor-at-Large at The New Inquiry. She was the youngest person to be shortlisted for the Orwell Prize for political writing on her blog Penny Red. She lives in London.laurie-penny.com / @PennyRed

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BITCH DOCTRINE

For my sisters, now and always

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

Unspeakable Things

BITCH DOCTRINE

Essays for Dissenting Adults

LAURIE PENNY

CONTENTS Individuals bearing witness do not change history only movements - photo 1

CONTENTS

Individuals bearing witness do not change history; only movements that understand their social world can do that.

Ellen Willis

Sometimes you have to be a bitch to get things done.

Madonna

In case you hadnt noticed, theres a war on. The field of battle is the human imagination. This is a book about the hard stuff, about the painful places where theory crashes into flesh and bone. Its a book about desire and control and contested bodies. Its a book about gender and power and violence, and about a world beyond them, which is scarier still.

As I write, it feels like the world is falling apart. A craven billionaire real-estate mogul and reality television shyster has just been elected to the presidency of the United States, swept to power by a wave of racist rage and violent populism. The British government is collapsing after the worst political crisis in living memory, the centre-left opposition is eating itself, bigots are getting brave in the streets and the stock markets are tumbling. Not for the first time in my years as a writer and a political thinker, I find myself wondering why I still care as much as I do about gender, about sexism, about power and identity. Arent there bigger things to worry about? Why cant we put these girlish things aside until after the revolution, when it comes, if it comes?

Ill tell you why. Because if the women dont win, nobody wins. If queer people and marginalised people and freaks and outsiders cannot live free, freedom is not worth the paper its printed on.

It is no longer an overstatement to suggest that toxic masculinity is killing the world. Feminists, of course, have been banging on about this in our shrill, hysterical way for years, but until the election of Donald J. Trump, the victories of the far right across Europe and the waves of violence against women and minorities that followed, nobody took us seriously. This book deals directly with that violence with the alt-right and the radicalisation of young men into extremism across the world, with the apoplectic male resentment that is consuming our culture from within. The feeling that men, particularly white, working-class men, have been cheated of their birthright is the root and centre of this discord. They are right that they have been cheated, but dangerously wrong about who pulled the con.

Some people believe that at times like this, the correct approach is to abandon identity politics and speak, instead, about class and only class. Even on the notional left, the usual suspects are at pains to point out that geopolitical disaster could have been avoided if we had all been less precious about gay rights and womens rights and Black Lives and concentrated on the issues that matter to real people. Real people meaning, of course, people who arent female, or queer, or brown, or from another country. You know, the people who really matter.

In the wake of successive victories for a new, frightening Nationalist Capitalism, commentators from all sides of the self-satisfied chin-stroking debate school are blaming identity politics. What they seem to mean by identity politics is politics that matter to people who arent white men in rural towns or young boys in bedrooms convinced that their inability to get laid is an injustice that must be answered in blood and suffering.

This is an idea that has remarkable staying power across a fractious and divided left: the idea that issues of race, gender and sexuality are at best a distraction from class politics and at worst a bourgeois tendency that will be destroyed after the revolution. The logic is that by focusing on issues of social justice, the political class has abandoned real working people to the vicissitudes of economic hardship.

This notion is horribly wrong, and the worst thing is that its wrong in the right direction, in the manner of a passenger plane that maintains a perfect flight path right until it slams into the field next to the runway. The political class has indeed rolled over and let kamikaze capitalism wreck the lives of working people around the world. Identity politics, however, have little to do with that cowardice. That the two are now yoked together in the popular imagination is something everyone who believes in a better world must answer for.

All politics are identity politics, but some identities are more politicised than others. The notion that the politics of identity and belonging have been allowed to overwhelm seemingly intractable issues of class, power and poverty is, in fact, entirely correct but this is not a problem for the traditional left. It is a problem for the traditional right, which has pursued a divide-and-conquer strategy for centuries, pitting white workers against black and brown workers, men against women, native-born citizens against foreigners in a hierarchy of victimhood that diverts energy and anger away from the vested interests bankrolling the entire scheme. When they promise to give you your country back, is that not identity politics? When they tell you that Muslims and migrants and uppity women are the real threat to your security, is that not identity politics? When they tell you that you will feel great again if only you stand behind the strong men waving the flag of white nationalism and chauvinist violence, what is that, if not a politics of identity infinitely more dangerous than any weve seen since the 1930s?

Its a shell game. A con. It did not start with Donald Trump, but the real-estate mogul and social-media tantrum artist has taken the Ponzi scheme to its logical conclusion. The president and his fellow travellers and sugar daddies have committed political fraud against the entire Western world. They have compounded it by making us believe as all good fraudsters do that it was our fault for being so naive in the first place.

It is, to some extent, reassuring to believe that its all our fault. If its all our fault for being too politically correct, too committed to diversity, if it was liberals and leftists who messed up by listening to these whining hippies with their patchouli-scented ideals of fairness and tolerance and police not shooting young black men dead for no reason, we might not have to face the more frightening notion that whats happening is, in fact, beyond our control.

The truth is that social justice and economic justice are not mutually exclusive. Those who would sacrifice one for the other will end up with neither, which is of course what the unscrupulous narcissists manspreading at the gates of power are counting on. The mainstream political left has, for generations, been unable to answer the core economic issues that shocking, I know, but hear me out affect the lives of all human beings, of every race, gender and background. For decades, in the face of late capitalist hegemony, all that the established left could realistically achieve has been to tweak the system incrementally, making things a little fairer for individual groups, without challenging the structural inequalities that created the injustice in the first place. This must change, and soon. Not just because of fine moral principles. Trying to fix economic policy without tackling structural inequality is not just morally misguided it is intellectually bankrupt.

Race, gender and sexuality are not side-issues in the current crisis. They are the bedrock and expression of that crisis. Capitalism has always divided its labour supply along lines of race and gender, ensuring that in times of crisis, we dont start setting fire to the machine, but to one another. All politics are identity politics, and this is no time to back away from our commitment to womens rights, racial justice and sexual equality. This is when we double down. The fight against the corporate neo-fascism funnelling out of every television set is not a fight that can be won if liberals, leftists and social-justice campaigners turn on one another. It is a fight that we will win together, or not at all.

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