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Clifton O. Lawhorne - The Supreme Court and libel

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The decisions of the United States Supreme Court regarding libel during the past fifty years show a continuous march toward freedom of speech and press despite fluctuations in the Courts philosophy. Lawhorne, who earlier traced the development of the law in Defamation and Public Officials: The Evolving Law of Libel, now documents how and why the law has changed. He emphasizes the decisions of the Court since 1931, when state libel laws were first curtailed by new interpretations of the Constitution. He provides a brief treatment of the adoption of the First Amendment, the early formulation of the law of libel, and important early decisions of the Court. Lawhorne stresses the law of libel as it is today to provide a ready handbook for students, communicators, and educators. He carefully points out that the current status of the law is not and cannot be final. His detailing of decisions makes clear that the law is not static. This careful demonstration that the law is in a state of constant evaluation and change is among the major assets of this book. Lawhorne suggests that over the years the Court has in effect integrated the First and Fourteenth Amendments. Congress shall make no law abridging freedom of speech, or of the press nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. He demonstrates the way in which the public-issue standard was replaced by a secondary constitutional privilege that allowed discussion containing defamatory falsehoods about private individuals, provided those falsehoods were not published negligently. Finally, he examines decisions of the Burger Court that have narrowly interpreted the judicially determined constitutional privileges, giving plaintiffs the benefit of doubt in their efforts to obtain damages for libelous falsehoods. A highly useful exposition of the evolution and present state of libel law in the United States.

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title The Supreme Court and Libel New Horizons in Journalism author - photo 1

title:The Supreme Court and Libel New Horizons in Journalism
author:Lawhorne, Clifton O.
publisher:Southern Illinois University Press
isbn10 | asin:080930998X
print isbn13:9780809309986
ebook isbn13:9780585192154
language:English
subjectLibel and slander--United States--Cases, United States.--Supreme Court.
publication date:1981
lcc:KF1266.A7L38 1981eb
ddc:346.7303/4
subject:Libel and slander--United States--Cases, United States.--Supreme Court.
Page ii
NEW HORIZONS IN JOURNALISM
Howard Rusk Long, General Editor
Page iii
The Supreme Court and Libel
Clifton O. Lawhorne
Foreword by HOWARD RUSK LONG
SOUTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY PRESS
Carbondale and Edwardsville
Page iv
Copyright 1981 by Southern Illinois University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Designed by Design for Publishing
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Lawhorne, Clifton O
The Supreme Court and libel.
(New horizons in journalism)
Includes index.
1. Libel and slanderUnited StatesCases.
2. United States. Supreme Court. I. Title.
KF1266.A7L38 346.7303'4 80-21161
ISBN 0-8093-0998-X
Page v
To HOWARD RUSK LONG
Page vi
Contents
Foreword
ix
Preface
xii
Prologue
xv
Notes
111
Table of Cases
134
Index
136

Page vii
1
Early Views of the Constitution
States Not Bound by Free Press Guarantee
1
2
Revised View of the Constitution
State Press Decisions Can Be Nullified
15
3
A New Constitutional Privilege
Libel Restricted by New York Times v. Sullivan
26
4
An Expanded "Public-Official Rule"
Limits Public Employee, Union, Criminal Libels
35
5
Privilege to Discuss Public Figures
Libels Bound by Public-Official Rule
47
6
A Constitutional Command
Libel Rule Is Explained, Enforced
58
7
A Constitutional Dilemma
Court Splits on Privilege to Discuss Issues
72
8
Privilege to Discuss Individuals
"Private Libel" Confined by Gertz v. Welch
81
9
A Constitutional Accommodation
Libel Recovery Clearly Is Not Foreclosed
92

Page ix
Foreword
Until one encounters an analysis of the decision-making process within the membership of the Supreme Court of the United States one is inclined to assume that the principles of freedom and responsibility are as compatible as yin and yang. Was not much of the struggle of the American colonists against oppressions of royal and proprietory masters directed against the Star Chamber common law of sedition? Was not that issue settled when the states and commonwealths adopted the Constitution amended, in compromise, to guarantee freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and the right to petition redress of grievances? Yes and no. Imperfect man, forever destined to create imperfect institutions, yet seeking to resolve the dilemma of his distaste of the monolithic and his fear of anarchy, by compromise, arrived at a compact intended to establish a rule of law to be sustained in debate and further compromise by the will of the governed in what we have learned to call democratic procedures.
One of the greatest imperfections inherent in the Constitution, a vaguely defined division of responsibilities between central government and its component parts, immediately spawned dissentions still unresolved in the dialectics of national sovereignty and states' rights. Strict constructionism prevailed until it was necessary by force of arms to prove once and for all that the whole is greater than the sum of the parts. As with the ten amendments called the Bill of Rights, again the Constitution was saved by synthesis achieved in the three revisions now known as the Reconstruction amendments. Within this framework of orderly procedure the democratic process today continues, with relatively minor and temporary instances of violence, in the form of ongoing popular debate with consensus
Page x
achieved at the ballot box. Dependent as they are upon the approbation of the voters, elected officials of the executive and legislative branches have always been responsive (as accurately as it could be interpreted) to popular sentiment. Nor has the federal judiciary been far behind. What began as a drift toward centralization, motivated by expansionism on land and sea and the policy of internal improvements in our time, under pressures of complex social and economic problemsworldwide as well as internalis seen as the march of supergovernment.
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