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Gary Uzonyi - Finding Soldiers of Peace: Three Dilemmas for Un Peacekeeping Missions

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Finding Soldiers of Peace: Three Dilemmas for Un Peacekeeping Missions: summary, description and annotation

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The United Nations, which lacks its own peacekeeping force, faces three dilemmas when organizing a peacekeeping mission: convincing member states to contribute troops, persuading states to deploy troops quickly, and securing a troop commitment long enough to achieve success. The key to overcoming these challenges, Gary Uzonyi argues, is emphasizing the connection between peacekeeping and slowing the flow of refugees across borders. Finding Soldiers of Peace makes the case for this approach, which balances states self-interests with the United Nations goal of civilian protection. Through an analysis of post-Cold War UN peacekeeping missions, particularly interventions in Mali and Sudan, Uzonyi shows how member states often tie civilian protection rhetoric to efforts to keep conflict-driven refugees from crossing into their territory. Conventional wisdom holds that member states primarily engage in peacekeeping for payment or humanitarian reasons. Uzonyi proves otherwise, helping scholars and practitioners more accurately predict which member states are most likely to send support, where states may send assistance, when they might become involved, the size of their contribution, and their timetable for leaving. His research promotes practical strategies for the organization and execution of future missions that ensure member states stay invested in the outcome. A data-rich exploration of the UN response to humanitarian crises, Finding Soldiers of Peace shows how policymakers and practitioners can better strategize the execution of UN peacekeeping missions among diverse, and even contentious, stakeholders.

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Abbreviations and Acronyms

AFISMA

African-Led International Support Mission to Mali

AU

African Union

CAR

Central African Republic

CNRDRE

National Committee for Recovering Democracy and Restoring the State (Comit national pour le redressement de la dmocratie et la restauration de ltat)

CPA

Comprehensive Peace Agreement

DPKO

UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations

DRC

Democratic Republic of the Congo

ECOMOG

Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group

ECOWAS

Economic Community of West African States

FIB

Force Intervention Brigade

G5

Group of Five

GDP

gross domestic product

HIPPO

UN High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations

MINUSCA

United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic

MINUSMA

United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali

MNF

Multinational Force

MNLA

Movement for the National Liberation of Azawad

MONUC

United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

MONUSCO

United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

OAS

Organization of American States

ONUMOZ

United Nations Operation in Mozambique

P5

permanent five members of the United Nations Security Council

ROC

receiver operating characteristic

SADC

Southern African Development Community

UN

United Nations

UNAMID

United NationsAfrican Union Mission in Darfur

UNAMIR

United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda

UNAMSIL

United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone

UNISFA

United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei

UNITAF

United Task Force

UNMIH

United Nations Mission in Haiti

UNMIL

United Nations Mission in Liberia

UNMIS

United Nations Mission in Sudan

UNMISS

United Nations Mission in South Sudan

UNOSOM

United Nations Operation in Somalia

US

United States

ZINB

zero-inflated negative binomial

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Vincent Arel-Bundock, Christian Davenport, Trevor Johnston, Lisa Koch, Shaun McGirr, James Morrow, Paul Poast, Allan Stam, Sonja Starr, Jessica Steinberg, Jana von Stein, Matthew Wells, and Alton Worthington for feedback on the earliest versions of the ideas contained in this book. I would like to thank Joseph Rakowski for discussions surrounding how best to appeal to readers outside the academy, and Gary Uzonyi Sr. for his willingness to challenge all the ideas I put forward throughout the writing process. I would like to thank Donald Jacobs for his guidance throughout the book-publishing process. Finally, I would like to thank Jacob Kathman for providing updated data on contributions to UN peacekeeping missions, which allowed for the analyses throughout this book.

About the Author

Gary Uzonyi earned his PhD in political science from the University of Michigan (2013). His research interests focus on political violence and the international community response to it. He is currently an assistant professor at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.

Introduction: Three Dilemmas for UN Peacekeeping Missions

AT THE BEGINNING of 1991, President Siad Barres regime collapsed, heightening a humanitarian emergency throughout Somalia, in which over half the countrys population faced severe malnutrition and over one million Somalis became refugees. A year and a half later, the United Nations Security Council authorized an operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) to help monitor a cease-fire between the primary warring parties and to help provide humanitarian relief to the Somali civilian population. Despite this mission, the situation in Somalia continued to deteriorate and the humanitarian situation worsened. By December 1992, the Security Council used its Chapter VII powers to authorize a Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to use all necessary means to establish as soon as possible a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations in Somalia (Security Council 1992). Deploying about 37,000 troops in southern and central Somalia, UNITAF only had limited success in providing a secure environment. In March 2003, the Security Council sent UNOSOM II to the country with an enlarged mandate to help bring peace and stability to Somalia. However, the forces of UNOSOM II also failed to bring peace and withdrew two years later. The UN presence in Somalia did little to offer humanitarian relief, and the civil war continues to this day (UN 2018b).

Three months before Barres regime collapsed in Somalia, Rwanda experienced its own civil war when the Rwandan Patriotic Front invaded the country from its bases in Uganda. Fighting was intense, but the belligerent parties were able to establish a peace agreement by August 1993. As UNOSOM II struggled to provide security just 1,000 miles away in Mogadishu, the Security Council authorized a new mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR) to assist with the peace process. During this time, tensions in Rwanda remained high. Two days after the Security Council authorized an extension of the UNAMIR mandate in April 1994, the Rwandan government began a genocidal campaign in which nearly one million victims were murdered within three months. Within days from the start of the killing, Belgium withdrew its peacekeepers and the Security Council reduced UNAMIRs presence in the country down to under 20 percent of its initial size. Two months later, the Security Council used its Chapter VII powers to reincrease the size of UNAMIR and authorize the peacekeepers to use force, alongside Frances Operation Turquoise, in helping to establish humanitarian protection zones. However, the killings did not stop until the Rwandan Patriotic Front was able to defeat the gnocidaires and establish control of the country (UN 2018a).

In the midst of these two conflicts, the Yugoslav Wars began in March 1991. Fighting was particularly severe in the Bosnian phase of the conflict (April 1992December 1995), in which Bosnian, Croat, and Serb forces competed for control of territory. Serb militias were especially violent, frequently engaging in ethnic cleansing, murder, rape, and torture, despite the presence of the United Nations Protection Force, which had Chapter VII authorization to use all means necessary to facilitate humanitarian assistance in Bosnia. By April 1993, it was clear that the Protection Force was having difficulty providing protection to the at-risk population. The Security Council decided to declare several places in Bosnia as safe areas and ordered fighters to vacate these towns and regions. The Security Council also called for additional troops to protect these areas. Srebrenica was one of the safe areas. Yet Serbs in the region around Srebrenica refused to demilitarize and leave. Despite the presence of UN forces in Srebrenica, Serb forces captured the city in July. They soon deported the Bosniak women and girls and executed the men and boys (UN 2018c). Overall, nearly 35,000 civilians died in the Bosnian conflict.

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