John L. Grady - Abortion: Yes or No?
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Abortion Yes or No?
John L. Grady, M.D.
Originally published by John L. Grady, M.D. in 1967.
Copyright 1979 by John L. Grady, M.D.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 79-53228.
CONTENTS
United States Senate
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510
The issue of abortion has not only caused a great deal of controversy, it has been subject to profound misinformation. For example, the slogan that abortion is a woman's right to control her own body sounds fine... every person should have the right to be free from unjustified invasions of his or her physical integritybut since when does a pregnant woman's "own body" have two different heart beats, two different sets of brain waves, and two different blood types? Dr. John Grady has used his years of experience as a physician to consider this question and many of the complex medical and ethical problems surrounding the present abortion controversy.
Abortion Yes or No has been widely acclaimed by physicians, judges, clergy, educators, social workers, adults and teenagers, and it has been of immeasurable value to those individuals honestly seeking a factual and logical understanding of the subjectespecially young women who may be weighing a personal decision regarding abortion.
One of the first booklets written on the subject of abortion, it has been regularly revised and updated through seven editions, from the first text written in 1966 to this present edition published in 1979. It is probably one of the most widely read and heard dissertations on abortion in the world.
Dr. Grady presents his material in a clear and reasonable manner so that any intelligent person, without professional or technical training, can quickly comprehend the facts and make a reasonable judgement.
The practice of abortion is one of the foremost moral issues confronting the American people today. I challenge you to take the few minutes necessary to read this short treatise.
SENATOR JESSE HELMS
ABORTION: YES OR NO
INTRODUCTION
Because abortion, right or wrong, is a very serious matter, an objective, unemotional analysis of the subject is in order. This treatise contains definite opinions, to be sure, but supported by reason and fact, hopefully to your satisfaction. There are no misquotes, altered data, or intentional misrepresentations of any kind. The conclusions and summaries herein are supported by logical arguments and reliable opinions from respected authorities in various fields. Where the statement is relative to medicine or science, the educational or technical background of the authority is noted. Where the statement pertains to philosophy or theology, the personal or religious background of the authority is noted.
Equal coverage to all aspects of the subject or to all views is not intended or implied. I do not represent this treatise as being a complete text or its author as being infallible. I ask you to be as honest and objective as you read it.
Bear in mind that laws against abortion and traditional concepts regarding the termination of fetal life have existed for hundreds of years. This, together with the magnitude of the issue, places the burden of proof for change upon those demanding it.
RECENT HISTORY
In the years prior to 1965, abortion was rarely discussed, either in public or in private. Abortion was generally considered to be "bad" or "evil," and even those who in any way approved of or tolerated abortion recognized the discussion of the subject to be in poor taste. However, with the rapid evolution of our present "permissive age," a few organizations and individuals became vocal on the subject and were given considerable exposure in the news media. The American press and television, being essentially and predominantly liberal, began saturation reporting of the subject as "abortion reform," and rapidly became pro-abortion in both reporting and editorial policy. Thus, another "critical issue" was created by slanted reporting in the mass communications media.
Abortion became a headline word in newspapers and the subject of feature articles in magazines and journals. It provoked discussion in the home, argument and division in medical and legal societies, and bitter debate in state legislatures. Opponents have held the centuries-old view that it is immoral, an ugly, shameful act, and a crime. Proponents speak of it as desirable, an act of mercy and compassion, and want it legalized.
Unfortunately, most magazine and newspaper articles have been sensational, emotional, and not very factual. Likewise, most television reports and documentaries have been incomplete, and have presented only one side of the issue. Consequently, the public opinion which has been formed often has been based on misrepresentations and limited information. Data and statistics presented by both sides have been badly exaggerated and misused.
Regardless of one's sincerity, motivation and present opinion, he should recognize that the issue of abortion was intentionally created, and that the mass media push and the legislative push were both planned and coordinated. Please be assured that there is ample evidence of this fact in written articles, editorials, and publications printed specifically for legislative bodies. It can be stated surely and factually that there was never a grassroots movement or ground swell of public opinion to legalize abortion. Undeniable is the fact that, prior to 1966, the general pattern of the law in all 50 states was prohibition of abortion, except to preserve the life of the mother. These laws were clearly understood by physicians, lawyers, pregnant women, and the general public. In many states the laws had been in existence for a century or more and were well accepted.
But in 1967, liberal abortion legislation was introduced in 35 states in almost identical form, primarily through the efforts of three organizationsthe American Law Institute, Planned Parenthood-World Population, and the American Civil Liberties Union (A.C.L.U.).
STATUS OF THE LAW
There continues to be so much legislative and court activity regarding abortion that any summary of the law may be inaccurate by the time it is published. Nevertheless, let us summarize in brief. From 1966 through 1970, 16 states revised their abortion laws, varying from very minor modification (Mississippi) to near abortion on demand (New York). During this same period hundreds of liberal abortion bills were defeated throughout the United States.
Initially, pro-abortion forces were moderately successful, but by 1971, pro-life organizations were functioning well. No major abortion legislation passed in any state in 1971, and liberal abortion bills were defeated in at least 28 states. Some states which had enacted the new abortion laws began to reverse their liberal position. For example, in New York the experience with permissive abortion became so repugnant that in May, 1972, the State Legislature passed a bill repealing the two-year-old liberal abortion law and reinstating the old statute permitting abortions only to save the life of the mother. Nelson Rockefeller, then governor of the state, vetoed the bill.
However, when the pro-abortion movement was slowed to a stop in the state legislatures, the battle shifted to the courts. Soon there were many conflicting decisions and reversals of decisions by state supreme courts and federal courts. Several state supreme courts upheld the constitutionality of their long-established and restrictive state abortion laws, while a few suddenly found them unconstitutionally vague or restrictive. In Florida (1972) the State Supreme Court, in effect, outlined new liberal legislation and set down a specific time limit in which an acceptable abortion bill was to be passed by the legislature. Regardless of one's attitude towards abortion, he would have to recognize this as one of the most audacious usurpations of legislative authority by a state court in the history of the American judicial system.
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