Peh - Standing tall: the Goh Chok Tong years, volume 2

Published by

World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd.

5 Toh Tuck Link, Singapore 596224

USA office: 27 Warren Street, Suite 401-402, Hackensack, NJ 07601

UK office: 57 Shelton Street, Covent Garden, London WC2H 9HE

National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing in Publication Data

Name(s): Peh, Shing Huei.

Title: Standing tall : the Goh Chok Tong years, volume 2 / Peh Shing Huei.

Description: Singapore : World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd., [2021] | Includes index.

Identifier(s): OCN 1225976036 | ISBN 978-981-123-439-2 (hardback) | ISBN 978-981-123-493-4 (paperback) | ISBN 978-981-123-440-8 (ebook for institutions) | ISBN 978-981-123-441-5 (ebook for individuals)

Subject(s): LCSH: Goh, Chok Tong, 1941| Prime ministers--Singapore--Biography. | Politicians--Singapore--Biography. | Singapore--Politics and government--20th century.

Classification: DDC 959.57052092--dc23

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Copyright Goh Chok Tong 2021

For photocopying of material in this volume, please pay a copying fee through the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. In this case permission to photocopy is not required from the publisher.

For any available supplementary material, please visit
https://www.worldscientific.com/worldscibooks/10.1142/12212#t=suppl

Editorial Adviser: Han Fook Kwang

Research and Interviews: Sue-Ann Chia, Aaron Low, Pearl Lee

Editor: Triena Ong

Desk Editors: Daniele Lee/Jiang Yulin

Cover Designer: Truong Quoc Huy

Designer: Jimmy Low

Printed in Singapore

Foreword by
Goh Chok Tong

A leader shapes his country and unexpected events shape him. This book is not your usual authorised biography. It is not written from my perspective, nor did I determine the chapters and their contents.

Peh Shing Huei, my biographer, is a writer with a flair for drama. He seeks to uncover actions and plotlines which will capture the readers attention. He does not seek to detail my goals, policies and programmes. Nor does he assess my performance, achievements and contributions to Singapore.

This suits me. I regard myself as a humble political servant. I never aspired to be in politics, let alone become a Prime Minister. I joined the Peoples Action Party (PAP) when asked because I had personally benefitted from a good government.

My father died at the age of 36 of tuberculosis. I was only 10 then. I went through secondary school and university on a bursary. While in the civil service, the government sent me to Williams College in the US to study Development Economics. For this and the university bursary, I was bonded to serve the government for 10 years first in the civil service and later, the national shipping line. I was grateful for these opportunities.

In politics, my driving force was to keep Singapore going. Some foreign scholars and journalists commented that Singapore would fail without Lee Kuan Yew. I was determined to prove the doubters wrong for the sake of our children, by building on the foundation laid by Mr Lee.

I had clear ideas of what I wanted Singapore to be. I was not a misty-eyed idealist but a pragmatist. In university, I chose to major in Economics, even though I originally wanted to study English.

The PAPs 1984 General Election manifesto contained my seminal ideas for Singapore. I drafted it with inputs from my colleagues, now dubbed second-generation or 2G leaders.

We aspired to build a city of excellence and a society of distinction. We aimed to make Singapore a developed country. We set out to attain the Swiss 1984 GDP per capita by 1999, a goal we achieved in 2000.

I believed that Singapore had to be a fun home, not just a tiger economy and an austere workplace.

The PAP campaigned against yellow culture in its early years. I lifted the ban on bawdy bar-top dancing. Pole dancing made its appearance. Night clubs sprouted.

This was all part of a broader shift towards a more rounded and vibrant society. We encouraged Singaporeans to chase their dreams in arts and sports. The Esplanade was a significant investment to develop Singaporeans creative spirits and liberate their artistic souls. We built the Singapore Indoor Stadium. We went beyond mass sports campaigns to pursue sporting excellence. We celebrated our regional and international sporting champions.

As Singapore entered the 21st century, a spirit of self-reliance and enterprise was essential to drive our growth in a competitive, technology-driven and increasingly contentious world. A people bred on following instructions and afraid of making mistakes would not innovate, venture out of their comfort zone, or be able to fend for themselves. We needed to loosen up our governing style and encourage more ground-up initiatives.

My government gave people an emotional stake to do their best for Singapore. They should have a say in the countrys present and future. I eased in a participative and consultative governing style.

Democracy as practised in many economically developed Western countries came across to me as increasingly partisan, populist, divisive, polarised and dysfunctional. I observed that many politicians prioritised individual, party and vested interests over national interests. Winning elections was all that mattered to them.

I believe that democracy must be practised in the context of a countrys population make-up, values, civilisational past and geography. Singapore is a tiny, easy-to-capsize Asian country made up of immigrants of different races and religions. Fighting for political power without regard to basic values and national interests will destabilise the country.

We evolved our Parliament to suit Singapores context. We passed legislation to provide for Non-constituency MPs and Nominated MPs. These system stabilisers ensure that there will always be alternative voices in Parliament. In particular, the NCMP scheme gives opposition parties a chance to prove themselves in Parliament and a starting point to grow. Several NCMPs have gone on to win a constituency seat in subsequent General Elections. In the 14th Parliament formed after the 2020 General Election, 4 out of 10 Workers Partys Members of Parliament had previously served as NCMPs.

Achieving political stability also requires a strong, fair and just government which has the peoples trust.

Politics is about power. When you elect political parties and candidates to form the government, you are entrusting your lives to them. They are vested with the power to determine the course of the country and your future. Politicians contest to earn the right, the privilege and the responsibility to wield this power.

I sincerely believe that those in power must regard themselves as trustees or parents of the Singapore Family, and never as rulers or kings. Good leaders, like good parents, guide their people towards a bright future. They engage the people on important decisions. Like parents, the government does not have all the answers to every problem. However, it must still exercise its best judgment based on the information available, the feedback of the people and its assessment of the future. Most importantly, leaders must have the gumption to take tough decisions in Singaporeans best interests, balancing immediate pain against long-term threats.

But not all politicians think like me. Just look at how politicians in countries near and far exercise their power.