David Thackeray - Conservatism for the Democratic Age: Conservative Cultures and the Challenge of Mass Politics in Early Twentieth Century England

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Conservatism for the democratic age

Conservatism for the democratic age

Conservative cultures and the challenge of mass politics in early twentieth-century England

David Thackeray

Manchester University Press

Manchester and New York

distributed in the United States exclusively
by Palgrave Macmillan

Copyright David Thackeray 2013

The right of David Thackeray to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Published by Manchester University Press
Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK
and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA
www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk

Distributed in the United States exclusively by
Palgrave Macmillan, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York,
NY 10010, USA

Distributed in Canada exclusively by
UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall,
Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for

ISBN 978 0 7190 8761 5 hardback

First published 2013

The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Typeset in Aldine
by JCS Publishing Services Ltd

Contents

The Liberal Unionist and Conservative parties amalgamated in 1912. These parties are referred to as the Unionist alliance throughout the text when reference is being made to the pre-amalgamation period, supporters of the alliance are referred to as Unionists.

Choosing a terminology to described supporters of the united party established in 1912 is more problematic. It was often referred to as the Unionist party at the time of amalgamation and over subsequent years, particularly during the Irish home rule crisis of 191214. Here it is referred to as the Conservative Party for the post-1918 period, in line with common scholarly practice. A Conservative identity became increasingly important to the party over the course of the 1920s (and remained paramount over subsequent decades), as it became the leading force for anti-socialist politics in Britain and Unionist identity was reconceptualised following the creation of the Irish Free State.

When the Unionists left office in December 1905 a man decided he would not shave until they returned to power. He had a long wait. It took seventeen years before an independent Conservative administration was formed, by which time the man been rendered unrecognisable by a copious beard. At times, writing a history of early twentieth-century British Conservatism has seemed a similarly never-ending endeavour, the present work has benefited greatly from the support of friends and colleagues at my numerous institutional homes over recent years.

What follows would not be possible without the support of a Doctoral Award from the Arts and Humanities Research Council. I would like to thank Cambridge University Press for permission to reproduce material from Rethinking the Edwardian crisis of conservatism, Historical Journal, 54 (), 82648.

Chris Wrigley and David Marquand nurtured my early interest in British political history. My greatest academic debt is to Jon Lawrence, who has always provided lively intellectual debate and an exemplary eye for detail. Jon has done much to help me understand the vitality of public politics, and without his exemplary input as the supervisor of the PhD thesis on which this book is based this would be a less ambitious, and I daresay less exciting, story. My PhD examiners Paul Readman and Duncan Tanner have done much to influence this work through their helpful suggestions. Pauls constant encouragement has helped sustain this project through some difficult times. Duncan died a few months after my viva, and it is to my regret that I never had the opportunity to know him well, but his ideas did much to shape the focus of the present work.

During 200910 I had the good fortune to work as a college lecturer at The Queens College, Oxford. I am grateful to my colleagues in history and politics, John Blair, John Davis, Nick Owen and Christine Peters for providing support and advice during a time in which the prospects of a job in academia sometimes looked bleak. This book has been written since I joined the University of Exeter and I am thankful to the history department for providing such a stimulating environment in which to work and for the space to write. My colleagues in modern British history have proven exemplary friends and mentors. Andrew Thorpe and Richard Toye have both been generous with their time, reading the manuscript in full, offering encouragement, and stimulating new ideas. My Electoral politics special subject students at Exeter have also helped me to test out many of the concepts contained in this study and sustained my interest in the subject through their enthusiasm.

Numerous people have read parts of this work in various drafts. I am grateful for the feedback and advice provided by Laura Beers, Eugenio Biagini, Matthew Cragoe, Lucy Delap, David Monger, Robert Saunders and Frank Trentmann. The staff at Manchester University Press have overseen the development of this work with diligence and have been a pleasure to work with.

The trials of writing a PhD and converting it into a first book have also been eased by friends who have reminded me that there is a world beyond early twentieth-century Conservatism. In particular I would like to thank Gareth Atkins, Vee Barbary, Chris Cotton, Mark Crowley, Mark Freeman, Stuart Hallifax, Matt Johnson, Gary Love, Kevin Maddison, Sarah Tebbs and Geraint Thomas, as well as the Rusty Bike irregulars. Finally, my somewhat nomadic academic career to date has benefited greatly from the support of my parents, Brian and Sharon, and my brother, Owen. Without their unflagging support the writing of this book would have been a far more difficult task.

AWL	Anti-Waste League
BCU	British Commonwealth Union
BCUA	Birmingham Conservative and Unionist Association
BEU	British Empire Union
BLSUU	British League for the Support of Ulster and the Union
BWL	British Workers League
CIU	Clubs and Institute Union
CPA	Conservative Party Archive
FTU	Free Trade Union
ILP	Independent Labour Party
JIL	Junior Imperial League
LCC	London County Council
LNU	League of Nations Union
LRO	Lancashire Record Office
MCU	Middle Classes Union
NFDSS	National Federation of Discharged Sailors and Soldiers
NFWI	National Federation of Womens Institutes
NPH	New Political History
NSL	National Service League
NUCA	National Union of Conservative Associations
NWAC	National War Aims Committee
PHA	Petworth House Archive
PLG

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