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Text originally published in 1963 under the same title.
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MARTIN DIES STORY
BY
MARTIN DIES
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION
This book is affectionately dedicated to my wife, Myrtle
FOREWORD
Seven years of silent inquiry are needful for a man to learn the truth but fourteen in order to learn how to make it known to his fellow manPlato
In the seven years during which I headed the Special Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives, the so-called Dies Committee, I heard a great deal of truth that is still not generally known to the American public. Whatever the reason may be for this ignorance, the time has come when the story that I know so well needs to be told.
Few are left who know the entire story, and fewer still who know it firsthand. Some lips have been sealed by death, others by fear, and some by possible economic sanctions, or for other reasons sufficient to themselves. This is a silence I have decided to break.
I am now 62 years old. In the natural course of events, not long hence I shall stand before my Maker. I would be remiss if I did not relate facts I know to be vital to the survival of the country I love.
Time has healed any wounds and erased any scars or personal bitterness I may have had. Neither anger nor resentment is in my heart. I am at peace with my God and myself.
Seventeen years have obliterated memories of the broken health and character assassination I endured. Even the sufferings of my wife and family are forgiven. Subsequent events have been too terrible, and the continuing threat to our Nation is too imminent and too foreboding to permit personal considerations a place. I can only grieve that so frightful a process has sapped the moral and physical strength of our great Nation.
When those who, wittingly or unwittingly, would destroy us raise their inevitable hue and cry asking Why drag out and rattle old skeletons? the answer will not be stifled. The answer, simply and bluntly, is that those skeletons represent living, breathing, dynamic, clever, and furtive forces, which still are working ceaselessly to destroy usyou and meand our belief in the dignity and sanctity of man.
Nothing written herein is intended to hurt the Democratic Party, which I love. Only by facing reality, and by eliminating the shameful, can the party deserve respect. I have tried to be bi-partisan, and certainly the Democratic Party has had no monopoly on blunders. We must all be Americans before we can be good Democrats or Republicans.
Two thousand years ago, Cicero said: Not to know what has been transacted in former times is to be always a child. If no use is made of the labors of past ages, the world must remain always in the infancy of knowledge.
A whole generation of Americans knows practically none of the facts related here, even though most of the facts have circulated to a limited degree, and a majority of the previous generation is largely unaware or misinformed. This lack of information, and the absorbed misinformation, should weigh heavily on the consciences of some educators, and awaken the concern of all parents who want their children to remain free. If our children do not learn of these incredible blunders, they are doomed to repeat them.
Accordingly, I must speak out, lest I be asked on Judgment Day, Why did you sin by silence when you knew the truth?
Martin Dies
CHAPTER IWE ARE LOSING
A truth that disheartens because it is true is of far more value than the most stimulating of falsehoodsMaurice Maeterlinck
We lost World War II. It was not the brave men who offered and gave their lives who lost it for us; it was the politicians. Politics betrayed the 1,076,245 casualties of WWII, and the 157,530 casualties of the Korean War. Now we are losing the miscalled cold war.
Since V-J day, the Soviet Union has built the most dangerous and most inhuman empire the world has ever known. It has enslaved a third of the worlds population, and a fourth of its area. It controls a substantial part of the worlds wealth and natural resources. It has spies and saboteurs around the globe.
After the Russian people had overthrown the Czar in 1917, Lenin and Trotsky, having lost the election, with only 40,000 revolutionaries, overthrew at bayonet point the republican form of government the Russian people had voted to set up. Then the cumbersome Soviet economy staggered along, with inefficiency and un-productivity, improving somewhat as some capitalist incentives were restored, only to falter anew in 1928 under Stalins new program. {1}
Then came a colossal blunder.
At a meeting late in the evening of November 16, 1933, in the White House, President Franklin D, Roosevelt handed to Maxim Litvinoff, Peoples Commissar for Foreign Affairs, USSR, a letter of recognition, in exchange for a letter of promises, on which recognition was based. {2} Litvinoffs letter pledged scrupulously to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of United States, from any agitation and propaganda, and from any action aimed at the overthrow of the political or social order of the whole or any part of the United States.
Four Presidents had refused to recognize the Soviet Union because of its record of perfidy and broken agreements. Less than four months before the recognition was signed, the Chief of the Division of Western European Affairs for our State Department had written: The fundamental obstacle in the way of the establishment with Russia of the relations usual between nations in diplomatic intercourse is the world revolutionary aims and practices of the rulers of that country. It is obvious that, so long as the Communist regime continues to carry on in other countries activities designed to bring about ultimately the overthrow of the government and institutions of these countries, the establishment of genuine relations between Russia and those countries is out of the question. {3}
Litvinoffs official promise was broken almost before the ink was dry; the Communist International announced next day that they would pursue such activities. American Communists were worried. Benjamin Gitlow, a founder and high functionary in the American Communist Party, has written that at a special meeting, following recognition Litvinoff assured the frightened Communists that they had nothing to worry about...the Comintern is not restrained by the Soviet government...After all, comrades, Litvinoff concluded, you should by this time know how to handle the fiction of the tie-up between the Comintern and the Soviet government. Dont worry about the letter. It is a scrap of paper which shall soon be forgotten in the realities of Soviet-American relations. {4}