Robert G Sutter - Taiwan in World Affairs

Taiwan in World Affairs

Published in cooperation with
The Gaston Sigur Center for East Asian Studies,
The George Washington University,
Washington, DC

EDITED BY
Robert G. Sutter
and William R. Johnson

First published 1994 by Westview Press

Published 2019 by Routledge
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Taiwan in world affairs / edited by Robert G. Sutter and William R.
Johnson
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-8133-1895-5
1. TaiwanForeign relations1945- 2. TaiwanPolitics and
government1988- 3. TaiwanEconomic conditions1975
I. Sutter, Robert G. II. Johnson, William R., 1929
DS799.848.T35 1994
327.5124'9dc20 94-10740
CIP

ISBN 13: 978-0-367-28941-6 (hbk)

From the early 1970s until the late 1980s, Taiwan's status on the international diplomatic scene and its role in relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) appeared to be defined by the well-known 1972 Shanghai Communique, the 1979 U.S. recognition of the PRC, the Taiwan Relations Act, and the Communique of 1982 relating to arms sales to Taiwan. However, Taiwan's burgeoning economy combined with dramatic sociopolitical changes, most noticeably since 1986-1987, have brought a more confident, diplomatically creative, influential, and assertive Taiwan to the fore. Democratization, "Taiwanization," and "sub-ethnic political competition" recently led, in the case of the opposition Democratic Progressive Party, to a call for the independence of Taiwan. Economic ministers and trade representatives from Western countries began to appear in Taipei. Some informed observers in the United States even beganrather quietlyto inquire whether the "three communiques" were still effective operational guidelines for U.S. policy. These stunning political developments together with unmistakable economic power combined once again to thrust Taiwan onto the agendas of policymakers in Washington and Beijing.

To assess the impact of these changes for Taiwan in world affairs and their implications for the foreign policies of the United States and for U.S.-PRC relations, The George Washington University's Gaston Sigur Center for East Asian Studies decided in the fall of 1992 to form a "Taiwan study group." Robert Sutter graciously agreed to chair the study group and thereafter he provided the substantive intellectual focus and direction for the study over the entire life of the project.

A distinguished group of specialists from universities and research institutions from throughout the country was invited to write the papers that eventually became the chapters of this book. The papers were then submitted to a larger "core group" of scholars and practitioners who met in a series of eight dinner meetings at The George Washington University throughout the late fall and spring of 1992-1993 for a full discussion of the papers. In addition, formally designated discussants presented prepared written comments at the outset of each dinner meeting. The very lively dinner discussions saw a group with many diverse views who subjected the papers to thorough critical analysis. I am confident that the authors of this volume share my view that the "core group" of critics, led by the discussant, played a very important role in producing the high quality of the chapters found in this work and would wish to join me in expressing appreciation for their help. Those who attended the dinner meetings and contributed significantly to the finished product while bearing no responsibility for it included: A. Doak Barnett, Natale Ballochi, David Laux, Zhiling Lin, Mark Pratt, Lucian Pye, Thomas Robinson, Cliff Tan, David Tsai, Alfred Wilhelm, Mary Brown Bullock, James R. Lilley, and Douglas Paal.

The question inevitably arises as to whether or not to include the formal discussants' comments in the final product. In this instance, the coauthors found the decision to be an easy one. In some cases, as the reader will readily discern, the discussant's comments provide a significantly different interpretation than the chapter that they follow. In other instances, the basic interpretation found in the chapter and in the discussant's remarks are largely similar but the tone and flavor are notably and tellingly different. In still other cases, the discussant's comments will be found to add important new information that was not included in the preceding chapter. For all of those reasons, and particularly because the Sigur Center is committed above all to presenting as wide and disparate a set of views and interpretations as possible, we are most pleased to include the discussants' papers in this volume.

While the Sigur Center does not necessarily endorse any of the specific interpretations or policy prescriptions found in this volume, it does hope that the publication of these materials will contribute significantly to a fuller understanding of the many complex issues involved. Volumes produced through large "study groups" and edited in a timely manner require the assistance of many persons. The coeditors wish to express our deepest thanks and respect for Ms. Leila Hertzberg, who expertly edited all of the copy, and to Ms. Mary Evelyn (Mamie) Barrett who, as a graduate assistant at the Sigur Center, arranged all the dinner meetings and, in general, oversaw administrative arrangements for the entire project.

William R. Johnson
The Gaston Sigur Center for East Asian Studies
The George Washington University

Robert G. Sutter

Backed by a vibrant economy and increasingly internationalized political and social atmosphere, Taiwan in recent years has emerged as an increasingly important actor in world affairs. As in the past, the main obstacle to Taiwan playing a greater role has to do with Beijing's strong opposition to Taiwan gaining official status as a separate entity in international affairs. Recent trends in Taiwan, in Taiwan-mainland relations, and in international developments on balance suggest that Taiwan will make greater progress in establishing itself as an important force in world economic, social, and political affairs in the years to come.

Beijing is not without influence in this situation, particularly as its vast and rapidly growing economy exerts extraordinary influence on decision makers throughout Asia and the world, including Taiwan. The wider range of political forces influencing government decision makers in Taipei contains those who advocate extreme positions on self determination and independence that could jeopardize Taiwan-mainland stability and promote conflict across the Taiwan Strait. Nonetheless, the economic and political changes on the mainland seem to reinforce a moderate stance toward Taiwan based on growing economic interdependence. And, despite the existence of extreme views in Taiwan, voters and politicians there have had several opportunities in recent years to stake out extreme political positions, but have invariably chosen a moderate course designed to avoid unnecessary tension while sustaining and strengthening Taipei's de facto independent stature.