Acknowledgments
I am deeply indebted to a number of individuals and institutions for supporting this project both intellectually and materially. I began my inquiry into East European nation forming, social history, and cultural theory at the University of Michigan, working with Roman Szporluk, Raymond Grew, and Geoff Eley. While at Michigan, my work was supported by the Rackham Graduate School, Foreign Language Area Studies grants, and the International Research and Exchanges Board, with funds provided by the U.S. Department of State (Title VIII program), the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the American Council of Learned Societies. None of these organizations is responsible for the views expressed.
The project was further transformed during faculty appointments first at the University of Northern Iowa, and later at Michigan State University. While at UNI, I was the recipient of a summer research grant, as well as friendship and support from colleagues in the History Department, including Tim OConnor, Greg Bruess, and Charlotte Wells. A fellowship from the American Council of Teachers of Russian helped me to gain access to the Central State Historical Archives in Lviv and the papers of the Galician Viceroys office.
While at MSU, I have benefited from an All University Research Grant (AURIG), short-term funding from IREX for return trips to Poland, as well as the generous support of the Department of History. Lewis Siegelbaum and Harold Marcus read and commented on the entire manuscript, as did Robert Blobaum and John-Paul Himka, the reviewers for Cornell University Press. Arista Cirtautas, of the University of Virginia, talked me through theoretical quandaries as the manuscript proceeded. Bartek Plichta proofread the Polish, and Ellen White provided maps. John Ackerman, Susan Tarcov, Karen Hwa, and others at the Press were consistently both kind and professional as they shepherded the manuscript through the various stages of publication.
During research trips to Poland, I had the privilege of working in the Jagiellonian University Library in Cracow, the State Archives for the Cracow District, the Institute for the History of the Peasant Movement in Warsaw, the Ossolineum in Wrocaw, and the Ethnographic Museum in Cracow. The staff of each of these collections was friendly and helpful, perhaps most exceptionally the Ukrainian-speaking staff at the Central State Historical Archives in Lviv, who cheerfully worked with me to access long unused Polish material. Alicja Maeta at Cracows Ethnographic Museum and Pawel Popie of the Iconographic Collection at the Zakad Historii Ruchu Ludowego in Warsaw were enormously helpful in locating and reproducing illustrations to accompany the text. Professor Antoni Podraza at the Jagiellonian University served as advisor and advocate during my initial research stay in Poland. Jerzy and Halina Groch, and their daughter Magda, have been my generous hosts and friends in Cracow through numerous return trips to that glorious city. Jerzy succumbed to cancer during the final preparation of the manuscript, depriving the world of an outstanding geographer of Galicia and a loyal friend.
This book has encompassed the entire lifetimes of my two children, Christopher and Caroline. Their toddler and preschool years have been all-consuming and have sometimes made writing a challenge, but the joyful distraction they provide has made these hectic times enormously gratifying. As Christopher enters his early grade school years and begins asking how Mommys story is coming, repeatedly offering his help in finishing it, and proclaims Poland is the most important country in Europe, I realize what an impact it has had on his young life. The task of tending two small children and making progress on a book manuscript was made easier by the childrens supportive grandmothers, Marilyn Stauter and Judy Halsted, who managed to drop things in their own busy lives long enough to insert themselves gracefully in ours so I could leave for short research stints or make deadlines, and by a series of trusted babysitters, including most especially Cassandra Schell, who helped get Caroline through her first year of life while I wrote in the basement. Most of all, my husband, David Halsted, who was with me at the projects inception, who shaped his own work and learned Polish to be with me in Poland, who edited and proofread, advised and extolled, even as his own career experienced shifts and bumps, who spent long days and longer weeks alone with small kids, is really the strongest force behind this project, and it is to him that the book is dedicated.
Introduction: The Roots of Nationalism in the Polish Village
On a snowy Shrove Tuesday night in February 1846, Polish-speaking serfs from the district of Tarnw huddled in the forests in the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains. Afraid to remain in their cottages lest they fall into the hands of marauding bands of aristocrats, the peasants had fled in order to hide from the Poles. An ill-fated gentry rising had begun in Cracow, and armed bands of Polish rebels were rumored to be roaming the Galician countryside searching for those who opposed their efforts to resurrect the old noble-led Polish state.
The peasants behavior during the 1846 rising, in which they ultimately slaughtered some 1,100 noblemen, contrasted sharply with the enthusiasm for Polish symbols they expressed a half century later. During the summer of 1894, farmers from throughout Austrian Poland gathered to celebrate the centennial of Tadeusz Kociuszko's insurrection in defense of Polish independence. Villagers marched in parades honoring the fallen general and staged elaborate reenactments of the great Battle of Racawice, competing among themselves to play Polish pikemen rather than the despised Russian soldiers. Two generations after their emancipation from serfdom, Polish-speaking peasants could cheer Long live Poland while celebrating a symbolic moment in the old noble republic. But what did Polish peasants mean when they referred at the end of the nineteenth century to an entity called Poland and how did this conception differ from their understanding of Poland or Polishness in 1846? What accounts for the peasants transformed vision of the nation and their place within it?
Austrian Officers Buying the Heads of Polish Gentry in 1846. Czartoryski Museum, Cracow. Sketch 7377. Courtesy of the Ethnographic Museum, Cracow. Inventory number III/15008/F. Reproduction by Jacek Kubiena.
This study situates the rise of peasant nationalism in the context of the precarious position emancipated peasants occupied within modern political institutions and ideas. In one sense, Polish villagers in the Austrian Empire had access to and experience in a wide range of progressive public institutions. They were able to take advantage of Habsburg political reforms and administrative decentralization that swept newly freed peasants into civic life in large numbers during the 1860s and 1870s. The political mobilization of Galician smallholders would help shape a distinct leadership cadre in peasant communities, consisting of village mayors, secretaries, council members, and parliamentary deputies. These local leaders gradually established working relationships with intellectuals and gentry landowners in order to accomplish shared goals of economic reform and cultural regeneration. The public agenda devised by this peasant elite and their upper-class allies was increasingly articulated in terms of the welfare of the nation. Such a conjunction of social forces helps explain the process by which the Polish political nation expanded to include larger sections of the population and wider cultural content.