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David Zucchino - Wilmingtons Lie (Winner of the 2021 Pulitzer Prize): The Murderous Coup of 1898 and the Rise of White Supremacy

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David Zucchino Wilmingtons Lie (Winner of the 2021 Pulitzer Prize): The Murderous Coup of 1898 and the Rise of White Supremacy
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WINNER OF THE 2021 PULITZER PRIZE FOR GENERAL NONFICTION

From Pulitzer Prize-winner David Zucchino comes a searing account of the Wilmington riot and coup of 1898, an extraordinary event unknown to most Americans.

By the 1890s, Wilmington was North Carolinas largest city and a shining example of a mixed-race community. It was a bustling port city with a burgeoning African American middle class and a Fusionist government of Republicans and Populists that included black aldermen, police officers and magistrates. There were successful black-owned businesses and an African American newspaper, The Record. But across the stateand the Southwhite supremacist Democrats were working to reverse the advances made by former slaves and their progeny.

In 1898, in response to a speech calling for white men to rise to the defense of Southern womanhood against the supposed threat of black predators, Alexander Manly, the outspoken young Record editor, wrote that some relationships between black men and white women were consensual. His editorial ignited outrage across the South, with calls to lynch Manly.

But North Carolinas white supremacist Democrats had a different strategy. They were plotting to take back the state legislature in November by the ballot or bullet or both, and then use the Manly editorial to trigger a race riot to overthrow Wilmingtons multi-racial government. Led by prominent citizens including Josephus Daniels, publisher of the states largest newspaper, and former Confederate Colonel Alfred Moore Waddell, white supremacists rolled out a carefully orchestrated campaign that included raucous rallies, race-baiting editorials and newspaper cartoons, and sensational, fabricated news stories.

With intimidation and violence, the Democrats suppressed the black vote and stuffed ballot boxes (or threw them out), to win control of the state legislature on November eighth. Two days later, more than 2,000 heavily armed Red Shirts swarmed through Wilmington, torching the Record office, terrorizing women and children, and shooting at least sixty black men dead in the streets. The rioters forced city officials to resign at gunpoint and replaced them with mob leaders. Prominent blacksand sympathetic whiteswere banished. Hundreds of terrified black families took refuge in surrounding swamps and forests.

This brutal insurrection is a rare instance of a violent overthrow of an elected government in the U.S. It halted gains made by blacks and restored racism as official government policy, cementing white rule for another half century. It was not a race riot, as the events of November 1898 came to be known, but rather a racially motivated rebellion launched by white supremacists.

In Wilmingtons Lie, Pulitzer Prize-winner David Zucchino uses contemporary newspaper accounts, diaries, letters and official communications to create a gripping and compelling narrative that weaves together individual stories of hate and fear and brutality. This is a dramatic and definitive account of a remarkable but forgotten chapter of American history.

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Myth of the Welfare Queen Thunder Run WILMINGTONS LIE THE MURDEROUS COUP - photo 1

Myth of the Welfare Queen

Thunder Run

WILMINGTONS
LIE
THE MURDEROUS COUP OF 1898 AND THE RISE OF WHITE SUPREMACY

DAVID ZUCCHINO

Copyright 2020 by David Zucchino Cover design by Brbara Abbs Cover photograph - photo 2

Copyright 2020 by David Zucchino

Cover design by Brbara Abbs
Cover photograph: Armed rioters pose with the destroyed
Record building, Wilmington, North Carolina, 1898.
Courtesy of New Hanover County Public Library,
North Carolina Room

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote brief passages in a review. Scanning, uploading, and electronic distribution of this book or the facilitation of such without the permission of the publisher is prohibited. Please purchase only authorized electronic editions, and do not participate in or encourage electronic piracy of copyrighted materials. Your support of the authors rights is appreciated. Any member of educational institutions wishing to photocopy part or all of the work for classroom use, or anthology, should send inquiries to Grove Atlantic, 154 West 14th Street, New York, NY 10011 or permissions@groveatlantic.com.

Photo credits are as follows: Photos 1.1 (fugitive slaves), 2.1 (Alfred Moore Waddell), 7.1 (rapid-fire gun crew), 7.2 (state militiamen), 12.2 (armed escort): Courtesy of the Cape Fear Museum of History and Science, Wilmington, NC. Photos 1.2 (Abraham Galloway), 5.2 (George Rountree), 9.2 (Donald MacRae), 10.2 (Fourth and Harnett): Courtesy of New Hanover County Public Library, North Carolina Room. Photos 2.2. (Alexander Manly), 3.1 (Furnifold Simmons), 3.2 (Democratic Hand Book), 4.1 (cartoon 1), 4.2 (cartoon 2), 4.3 (cartoon 3), 4.4 (cartoon 4), 5.1 (Remember the 6), 6.2 (John C. Dancy), 10.1 (committee response), 12.1 (Daniel Russell): Courtesy of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Wilson Special Collections Library. Photo 4.5 (Josephus Daniels): Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division. Photo 6.1 (William Everett Henderson): Courtesy of Lisa Adams. Photos 8.1 (Charles Aycock), 8.2 (Red Shirts), 11.2 (burning Record): Courtesy of the State Archives of North Carolina. Photo 9.1 (Roger Moore): Courtesy of the Internet Archive/NC Government and Heritage Library, originally published in Biographical History of North Carolina from Colonial Times to the Present, ed. Samuel ACourt Ashe (Greensboro, N.C.: C.L. Van Noppen, 1905). Photo 11.1 (Alex and Frank Manly): Courtesy of East Carolina University, Joyner Library.

FIRST EDITION

Published simultaneously in Canada
Printed in the United States of America

This title is set in 13-pt. Centaur by Alpha Design & Composition of Pittsfield, NH.

First Grove Atlantic hardcover edition: January 2020

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data available for this title.

ISBN 978-0-8021-2838-6
eISBN 978-0-8021-4648-9

Atlantic Monthly Press
an imprint of Grove Atlantic
154 West 14th Street
New York, NY 10011
Distributed by Publishers Group West

groveatlantic.com

20 21 22 23 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

To the dead and banished, known and unknown

Charles AycockHis speeches incited whites to attack blacks Conspired to deny - photo 3

Charles AycockHis speeches incited whites to attack blacks. Conspired to deny blacks the vote. Elected governor in 1900.

Claude M. BernardRepublican US Attorney in Raleigh, failed to indict white supremacists for murders and coup

Robert H. BuntingWhite Republican, US Commissioner in Wilmington, married to black woman

Thomas ClawsonWhite supremacist city editor of Wilmington Messenger, sold used press to Alex Manly

John C. DancyBlack customs collector at Wilmington port, counseled appeasement of white supremacists

Josephus DanielsEditor of News and Observer, militant voice of white supremacy campaign

Mike DowlingBrawling leader of a Red Shirt brigade in Wilmington

George Z. Gizzard FrenchWhite Chief Deputy Sheriff in Wilmington, Republican targeted by coup leaders

Abraham GallowayEscaped slave, Union spy, state senator, early leader of black defiance in Wilmington

William E. HendersonLeading black lawyer and political figure in Wilmington

Captain Thomas C. JamesCommander of a Wilmington Light Infantry company

Edward KinsleyMassachusetts abolitionist, urged Abraham Galloway to raise black Union regiments in North Carolina

Reverend J. Allen KirkOutspoken black minister in Wilmington, wrote A Statement of Facts

Captain Donald MacRaeCommander of a Wilmington Light Infantry unit, brother of Hugh MacRae

Hugh MacRaeWealthy president of Wilmington Cotton Mills Co., leader of Secret Nine conspiracy

Alexander ManlyEditor of black-readership Daily Record, confronted white power structure in Wilmington

Carrie Sadgwar ManlyWife of Alex Manly and vocalist for Fisk University Jubilee Singers

John MeltonWhite Fusionist police chief of Wilmington, targeted by coup leaders

Thomas C. MillerEntrepreneur, wealthiest black man in Wilmington, loaned money to whites and blacks

Colonel Roger MooreFormer Confederate officer, commander of Ku Klux Klan and Red Shirts in Wilmington

George RountreeWhite lawyer in Wilmington, leading organizer of coup

Daniel RussellRepublican governor of North Carolina, member of Wilmington plantation gentry

Colonel William L. SaundersFormer Confederate officer from Wilmington, commander of Ku Klux Klan in North Carolina

Armond ScottYoung, ambitious black lawyer in Wilmington

Furnifold SimmonsState Democratic Party chairman, political organizer of white supremacy campaign

James SpruntWealthy white owner of Sprunt Cotton Compress

J. Allan TaylorMember of Secret Nine conspiracy, brother of Walker Taylor

Lieutenant Colonel Walker TaylorCommander of Wilmington Light Infantry, member of Group Six conspiracy

Pitchfork Ben TillmanUS senator from South Carolina, led white supremacist attacks on the states blacks

Colonel Alfred Moore WaddellFormer Confederate officer in Wilmington, leading orator of white supremacy campaign

George Henry WhiteUS congressman from North Carolina, only black man in Congress in 1890s

Silas P. WrightWhite Republican mayor of Wilmington, targeted by coup leaders

The white mans happiness cannot be purchased by the black mans misery.

Frederick Douglass

White Mans Country
Wilmington, North Carolina, November 10, 1898

had tucked their trousers into their boot tops and tied cartridge belts around their waists. A few wore neckties. Each one carried a gun.

Throughout that summer and autumn, white men had been buying shotguns, six-shot pistols, and repeating rifles at hardware stores in the port city of Wilmington, North Carolina, set in the low Cape Fear country along the states jagged coast. It was 1898, a tumultuous midterm election year. White planters and business leaders had vowed to remove the citys multiracial government and black public officials by the ballot or the bulletor both. Few white men intended to navigate election week that November without a firearm within easy reach. There was concern among whites in Wilmington, where they were outnumbered by blacks, that stores would run dry on guns and that suppliers in the rest of the state and in nearby South Carolina would be unable to meet the demand.

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