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Phillip E. Myers - Caution and Cooperation: The American Civil War in British-American Relations

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A provocative reinterpretation of Civil War-era diplomacy

Click here to read a review from The British Scholar

Phillip E. Myerss Caution and Cooperation places Anglo-American relations during the Civil War within the broader context of the whole nineteenth century, arguing convincingly for the lack of any real chance of British intervention on the side of the Confederacy and dating the end-of-the-century Anglo-American rapprochement back about three decades. Based on extensive research in the United States and Great Britain, this major reinterpretation of the transatlantic special relationship is international history in its truest sense.
--Mary Ann Heiss, Editor, New Studies in U.S. Foreign Relations Series

It has long been a mainstay in historical literature that the Civil War had a deleterious effect on Anglo-American relations and that Britain came close to intervention in the conflict. Historians assert that it was only a combination of desperate diplomacy, the Confederacys military losses, and Lincolns timely issuing of the Emancipation Proclamation that kept the British on the sidelines. Phillip E. Myers seeks to revise this prevailing view by arguing instead that wartime relations between Britain and the United States were marked by caution rather than conflict.

Using a wide array of primary materials from both sides of the Atlantic, Myers traces the sources of potential Anglo-American wartime turmoil as well as the various reasons both sides had for avoiding war. And while he does note the disagreement between Washington and London, he convincingly demonstrates that transatlantic discord was ultimately minor and neither side seriously considered war against the other.

Myers further extends his study into the postwar period to see how that bond strengthened and grew, culminating with the Treaty of Washington in 1871. The Civil War was not, as many have believed for so long, an unpleasant interruption in British-American affairs; instead, it was an event that helped bring the two countries closer together to seal the friendship.

Soundly researched and cogently argued, Caution and Cooperation will surely prompt discussion among Civil War historians, foreign relations scholars, and readers of history.

Phillip E. Myers: author's other books


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Phillip E. Myers - Dissolving Tensions: Rapprochement and Resolution in British-American-Canadian Relations in the Treaty of Washington Era, 1865-1914
Dissolving Tensions: Rapprochement and Resolution in British-American-Canadian Relations in the Treaty of Washington Era, 1865-1914
Phillip E. Myers
Dissolving Tensions: Rapprochement and Resolution in British-American-Canadian Relations in the Treaty of Washington Era, 1865-1914
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Phillip E. Myers
Caution and Cooperation: The American Civil War in British-American Relations

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Caution and CooperationNEW STUDIES IN US FOREIGN RELATIONS Mary Ann Heiss - photo 1
Caution and Cooperation
NEW STUDIES IN U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS
Mary Ann Heiss, editor
The Birth of Development: How the World Bank, Food and Agriculture Organization, and World Health Organization Changed the World, 19451965
AMY L. S. STAPLES
Colombia and the United States: The Making of an Inter-American Alliance, 19391960
BRADLEY LYNN COLEMAN
NATO and the Warsaw Pact: Intrabloc Conflicts
EDITED BY MARY ANN HEISS AND S. VICTOR PAPACOSMA
Caution and Cooperation: The American Civil War in British-American Relations
PHILLIP E. MYERS
Caution and Cooperation
The American Civil War
in British-American Relations
Picture 2
PHILLIP E. MYERS
The Kent State University Press
Kent, Ohio
2008 by The Kent State University Press, Kent, Ohio 44242
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 2008001522
ISBN 978-0-87338-945-7
Manufactured in the United States of America
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Myers, Phillip E.
Caution and cooperation : the American Civil War in British-American relations / Phillip E. Myers.
p. cm. (New studies in U.S. foreign relations)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-87338-945-7 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. United StatesForeign relationsGreat Britain. 2. Great BritainForeign relations
United States. 3. United StatesForeign relations18611865.
4. United StatesHistoryCivil War, 18611865Foreign public opinion, British.
5. Public opinionGreat BritainHistory19th century. I. Title.
E183.8.G7M94 2008
327.73041dc22 2008001522
British Library Cataloging-in-Publication data are available.
12 11 10 09 08 5 4 3 2 1
To Cathy, Andrew, Sarah, and Sonja
Contents
Acknowledgments
At the University of Iowa long ago, professors Laurence Lafore and Lawrence E. Gelfand, my dissertation advisers, instilled in me not to forsake the challenges of research and writing about international relations in large and British-American relations in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries specifically. At Western Kentucky University where I work Professors Robert Haynes and Marion Lucas offered helpful comments early in the process. Early in the project, Dr. John Beeler of the University of Alabama generously loaned me microfilm of the Alexander Milne Papers, which he is editing (the first volume is published). I cannot thank him enough. Dr. Duncan Andrew Campbell of the University of Swansea read successive drafts of several chapters and offered encouragement as the project took shape. Terry Manns, my colleague in research administration who is at California State University at Sacramento, dutifully read a draft of this work when it was twice as long, picked out the weakest sections, and said, I could tell that you were tired when you wrote them. I appreciate his encouragement and collegiality over the years. Selina Langford and Debra Day of Interlibrary Loan and Dr. Brian Coutts and Professor Jack Montgomery of the Western Kentucky University Libraries procured research materials for me throughout the project. I am especially indebted to Dr. Mary Ann Heiss of Kent State University and Dr. Lesley J. Gordon of the University of Akron for their reviews of the manuscript. Finally, I am most appreciative of the guidance and promptness of Joanna Hildebrand Craig, editor-in-chief at Kent State University Press and Mary D. Young, the project editor. It was fitting, but entirely coincidental, that I was sitting in my sixteenth floor hotel room in Qubec City looking across at the government buildings and part of the fortress when Joannas email message came announcing interest in the book. Who could have selected a more reflective place for that moment? I further appreciate the unanimous vote of the Editorial Board of the Press to publish it.
I am grateful to Laurence Clarendon to use information from the Clarendon Papers at the Bodleian Library, Oxford University. The Trustees of the Palmerston Papers at Southampton University and The Crown permitted me to cite from the Palmerston Papers. I am also appreciative of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library, the British National Portrait Gallery, the Library of Congress, and the Naval Historical Foundation to use images in their care.
Last but not least I must acknowledge the patience that my family displayed throughout this decade-long process; and the hours that my wife, Cathy, put into ordering and brushing up the images on her computer.
Having said all of this, I accept responsibility for any errors or oversights in this book.
Illustrations
Introduction
Realism and Private Diplomacy
The most earnest task confronting British and American statesmen when the American Civil War broke out in April 1861 was to stave off an international war. Fortunately, the two Anglo-Saxon nations had enjoyed nearly a half-century of peace since 1815, and in 1861 British-American relations were more dependable than at any time since American independence. But they were also ridden with distrust. Neither Britains shaky Liberal government that was still shy of completing two years in office nor Americas new Republican government wanted the American civil conflict to make them enemies. Neither power (nor anyone else) had any idea of the course the Civil War would take, and both decided to adhere to the traditional policies of caution and cooperation.
Despite the desire of both powers for peace, the Civil War seriously threatened relations between the two. Hard-pressed Union leaders believed on scanty evidence that many British upper-, middle-, and working-class subjects were pro-South despite being adamantly opposed to slavery. Ultimately, so Unionists heard, pro-Southerners argued that an independent Confederate state would eventually abolish slavery and become a modern nation. As a result, Unionists fears that Britain would recognize Confederate independence strained relations.
There were further strains that have caused historians to believe in the possibility of an Anglo-American war during this time period. The Unions aim for self-preservation without announcing that emancipation was a primary war aim until January 1, 1863, made many Britons believe that the Republicans were turning on a poor but proud South in a most imperious manner. When the shooting began, newly elected president Abraham Lincoln announced that his primary war aim was preserving the Union, which was beyond the comprehension of many British subjects and their leaders who had philosophically supported European national independence movements against the conservative powers and now saw a parallel with the Souths secession from the Union. Many aristocratic leaders had always believed in the Unions inevitable demise. They now argued that the Unions simplest way out of the sectional crisis was to the let the South have its independence, because they refused to believe that reunification was possible.
Conversely, although the numbers are just as imprecise, the Union had a respectable group of British supporters. Because the British government never detected that public opinion swayed significantly enough to take sides, it remained neutral, just as it had in the recent successful Italian and Greek national unification movements. The scrambled nature of public opinion about the American Civil War buttressed nonintervention and the continuation of peaceful relations.
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