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Sherry Lamb Schirmer - A City Divided: The Racial Landscape of Kansas City, 1900-1960

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A City Divided: The Racial Landscape of Kansas City, 1900-1960: summary, description and annotation

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A City Divided traces the development of white Kansas Citians perceptions of race and examines the ways in which those perceptions shaped both the physical landscape of the city and the manner in which Kansas City was policed and governed. Because of rapid changes in land use and difficulties in suppressing crime and vice in Kansas City, the control of urban spaces became an acute concern, particularly for the white middle class, before race became a problematic issue in Kansas City.
As the African American population grew in size and assertiveness, whites increasingly identified blacks with those factors that most deprived a given space of its middle-class character. Consequently, African Americans came to represent the antithesis of middle-class values, and the white middle class established its identity by excluding blacks from the urban spaces it occupied.
By 1930, racial discrimination rested firmly on gender and family values as well as class. Inequitable law enforcement in the ghetto increased criminal activity, both real and perceived, within the African American community. White Kansas Citians maintained this system of racial exclusion and denigration in part by misdirection, either by denying that exclusion existed or by claiming that segregation was necessary to prevent racial violence. Consequently, African American organizations sought to counter misdirection tactics. The most effective of these efforts followed World War II, when local black activists devised demonstration strategies that targeted misdirection specifically.
At the same time, a new perception emerged among white liberals about the role of race in shaping society. Whites in the local civil rights movement acted upon the belief that integration would produce a better society by transforming human character. Successful in laying the foundation for desegregating public accommodations in Kansas City, black and white activists nonetheless failed to dismantle the systems of spatial exclusion and inequitable law enforcement or to eradicate the racial ideologies that underlay those systems.
These racial perceptions continue to shape race relations in Kansas City and elsewhere. This study demystifies these perceptions by exploring their historical context. While there have been many studies of the emergence of ghettos in northern and border cities, and others of race, gender, segregation, and the origins of white ideologies, A City Divided is the first to address these topics in the context of a dynamic, urban society in the Midwest.

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A CITY DIVIDED Copyright 2002 by The Curators of the University of - photo 1
A CITY DIVIDED
Copyright 2002 by The Curators of the University of Missouri University of - photo 2
Copyright 2002 by The Curators of the University of Missouri University of - photo 3
Copyright 2002 by The Curators of the University of Missouri
University of Missouri Press, Columbia, Missouri 65211
Printed and bound in the United States of America
All rights reserved
First paperback printing, 2016
Cataloging-in-Publication data available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-0-8262-2095-0
Picture 4This paper meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, Z39.48, 1984.
Designer: Stephanie Foley
Typefaces: ITC Galliard and Myriad MM
Title page image courtesy Special Collections, Kansas City Public Library, Kansas City, Missouri.
ISBN-13: 978-0-8262-6363-6 (electronic)
To my husband, Steve Schirmer,
for his editing and his endurance
INTRODUCTION
With Race in Mind
THIS STUDY BEGAN in a boundless accumulation of documents that I felt sure would yield a dissertation topicprobably about school segregation. After all, Jenkins v. State of Missouri, the suit that generated those many boxes of paper, was all about the segregation of Kansas City, Missouri, schools, and I had focused much of my graduate study on the social history of childhood and family. It seemed a good fit. Many file boxes into my search, however, I was finding little to add to the story of school segregation. That topic already had been examined thoroughly. Instead, my attention was drawn over and over again to the white mentality revealed in the depositions and documents the case generated. There, whites talked about and thought about race in peculiar yet consistent patterns. I decided that this was the story I wanted to exploreto find the historical origins of those patterns, to identify the historical experiences in a local context that gave rise to whites perceptions and behavior regarding race, and to discover how those perceptions shaped the spatial and social structure of the city. That is the purpose of this book.
Specifically, four themes that seemed to be important recurred throughout the volumes of evidence and testimony in the Jenkins case. First, concerns about the use, occupancy, and control of urban space shaped race relations to a significant degree. Second, key decision makers and ordinary white citizens were inclined to use the magicians tactic of misdirection, either by denying that race was a factor in their behavior or by claiming that their actions were necessary to forestall racial unrest among whites. Third, many whites encoded African Americans in a set of collective images so negative and so widely held that they provided an effective and politically acceptable rationale for racial exclusion and racial isolation. Finally, a minority of whites sought interracial contacts in the belief that integration would uplift individual and community values.
Issues of urban land use and attitudes about city space were clearly central to creating and preserving school segregation. The familiar pattern of white flight produced a sprawling Kansas City metropolitan area that, by 1977, encompassed nineteen separate school districts and twenty-five municipalities in two states. Other public agencies, including housing authorities and urban renewal and highway construction agencies, assisted in the spatial sorting of the population with policies that targeted integrated neighborhoods for disruption while subsidizing white flight. Most remarkable about these policy decisions was that they were founded on the assumption that whites would always behave like bigotsabandoning integrated neighborhoods, resisting public housing in their locale, or defecting from integrated schools. Judging by this variety of excuse-making, local whites were not just bigots but potentially violent bigots. Segregation might be regrettable, but it did at least keep the lid on rampaging bigotry.
It was also evident in these case records that decision makers and members
A third pattern of behavior made these misdirection tactics possible: whites used a coded language to refer obliquely to African Americans, without direct reference to race. After all, who could condemn parents for wanting to shield their families from low-achieving, crime-prone despoilers of neighborhood amenities, or their schools from undisciplined, violent students with low test scores, apathetic parents, and a fondness for vandalism? The code worked because it articulated a shared set of assumptions that black people were disorderly, dishonest, and immoral. You couldnt help but read between lines, a former school board member recalled, because everyone knew whom the labels were supposed to fit.
By contrast, a fourth pattern evident in the testimony revealed a segment of the white population that not only accepted integration but saw it as a social nostrum, for they expected integration to improve individual character and to strengthen the social order. Speaking of children in racially balanced schools, school administrator Jack Casner asserted, These kids learn how to respect each other, get along together, and work together. I think that it is vital to the country, and I think it is vital for them as human beings. Stated educator Wayne Dotts, The future is going to depend upon peoples ability to interact effectively with people of different cultures. In fact, a number of
These perceptual and behavior patterns intrigued me and suggested that a social historian might shed light on the character of race relations in Kansas City by asking questions about the historical origins of these attitudes and actions. Specifically, what circumstances in Kansas Citys past made issues of urban space salient? What historical experiences induced some whites to associate African Americans with criminality, disorganized family life, and the deterioration of property values, while other whites equated integration with community betterment? In what ways did the collective demands of African Americans shape white attitudes and responses to racial issues, and what political or social conditions gave rise to the tactics of misdirection, concealment, and subterfuge in thwarting those demands? If, in fact, historical experiences in a local context did shape whites racial mentalities, how were those perceptions and behaviors communicated to new residents across time?
There is, of course, a single, straightforward answer to these questions, namely that each of those phenomena is the product of racism. By racism I mean a complex of feelings and beliefs that members of other racial groups are innately inferior. Many scholars have attributed white racism to uniquely personal factors, such as patterns of personality formation, low levels of career mobility, or the quality of individual social contacts. Understanding how child-rearing patterns, education levels, or interpersonal relationships shaped individuals feelings about race does not, however, explain why large and disparate populations of whites, whose personality formation and personal experiences may have differed widely, translated somebut not allof those feelings into publicly expressed myths about race.
Nor does racism explain racialism, that is, how a social structure came to be stratified by race. As John Cell notes, racism can motivate a wide range of
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