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Barry Latzer - The Myth of Overpunishment: A Defense of the American Justice System and a Proposal to Reduce Incarceration While Protecting the Public

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Barry Latzer The Myth of Overpunishment: A Defense of the American Justice System and a Proposal to Reduce Incarceration While Protecting the Public
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Justice is on trial in the United States. From police to prisons the justice system is accused of overpunishing. It is said that too many Americans (especially minorities) are abused by the police, arrested, jailed, and imprisoned. But the denunciations are overblown. The data indicate, contrary to the critics, that we dont imprison too many, nor do we overpunish. This becomes evident when we examine the crimes of prisoners and the actual time served. Claims of systematic racism are also exaggerated. Once we consider the crimes and the criminal records of African American inmates it becomes clear that blacks are punished no more harshly than whites.
This book is a defense of our incarceration system. The history of punishment in the United States, discussed in vivid detail, reveals that the treatment of offenders has become progressively more lenient. The actual time served in prison is in line with historical practice. Corporal punishment is no more. The virtual slavery of the convict lease is long over. The death penalty has become a rarity. Only 20 percent of prisoners serve full terms and many convicted defendants are given no-incarceration sentences. In fact, 30 percent of all convicted felons and 22 percent of violent offenders are released without spending a single day in prison. Moreover, the median time served for those who do enter state prison is a mere one year and four months.
Nor are state prisoners behind bars for minor offenses. That is another false claim. A majority of inmates55 percentare serving time for serious violent crimes, including murder, rape, and assault. Eighteen percent are in for major property crimes, such as burglary and theft. Fifteen percent committed drug crimes, but contrary to the critics who claim that drug prosecutions are designed to snare harmless users, only 3.5 percent of the sentences were for mere possession. The rest of the inmate population, 12 percent, is serving time for public order crimes, including illegal gun possession and drunk driving. All of the above are serious crimes, often committed by repeat offenders.
The decarcerationists will have to deal with these realities if they are to make their case. Even if they can refute or spin the data they face an insuperable obstacle: when it comes to major crimes less punitive alternatives to imprisonment simply do not exist. The restorative justice movementa counselled encounter of crime victims and perpetrators who acknowledge the harm that they causeis touted as the alternative to prison. Restorative justice may be a good thing for low-level offenses, or as an add-on for remorseful prisoners. But when it comes to major crimes it is no substitute for punitive justice.
If we really want to reduce incarceration while protecting the public we should rely on technology to monitor released offenders. The Myth of Overpunishment presents a workable and politically feasible plan to electronically monitor arrested suspects prior to adjudication (bail reform), defendants placed on probation, and parolees. A major expansion in electronic monitoring of released offenders will create powerful incentives to conform to the conditions of release. This would shrink the incarcerated population without increasing the risks to the public.

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Justice is on trial in the United States From police to prisons the justice - photo 1

Justice is on trial in the United States From police to prisons the justice - photo 2

Justice is on trial in the United States. From police to prisons, the justice system is accused of overpunishing. It is said that too many Americans are abused by the police, arrested, jailed, and imprisoned. But the denunciations are overblown. The data indicates, contrary to the critics, that we dont imprison too many, nor do we overpunish. This becomes evident when we examine the crimes of prisoners and the actual time served. The history of punishment in the United States, discussed in vivid detail, reveals that the treatment of offenders has become progressively more lenient. Corporal punishment is no more. The death penalty has become a rarity. Many convicted defendants are given no-incarceration sentences. Restorative justice may be a good thing for low-level offenses, or as an add-on for remorseful prisoners, but when it comes to major crimes it is no substitute for punitive justice. The Myth of Overpunishment presents a workable and politically feasible plan to electronically monitor arrested suspects prior to adjudication (bail reform), defendants placed on probation, and parolees.

The MYTH of OVERPUNISHMENT FIRST EDITION Copyright 2022 Barry Latzer All - photo 3

The MYTH of OVERPUNISHMENT

FIRST EDITION

Copyright 2022 Barry Latzer

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote brief passages in a review.

ISBN: 9781645720324 (Hardcover)

ISBN: 9781645720331 (ebook)

For inquiries about volume orders, please contact:

Republic Book Publishers

27 West 20th Street

Suite 1103

New York, NY 10011

Published in the United States by Republic Book Publishers

Distributed by Independent Publishers Group

www.ipgbook.com

Book designed by Mark Karis

Printed in the United States of America

CONTENTS
FOREWORD

BY SENATOR TOM COTTON

BY ANY INFORMED MEASURE , the criminal justice system in the United States is extraordinarily lenient. In fact, it is more lenient than at any point in our history. This is true if measured by the number of criminals who face consequences for their crimes through arrests and convictions, but also if measured by the consequences that we impose. Many readers may be surprised by that fact, especially if they have consumed much of the fashionableif ill-backedtalking points that are popular among decarcerationists and soft-on-crime advocates today.

Virtually everyone in the United States knows someone whose life has been touched by crime. Some have experienced serious crime, or have even lost a loved one to senseless violence, while others have experienced the violating feeling of being victimized by petty theft or vandalism. A substantial number of Americans have also been connected, whether directly or indirectly, with someone who has been arrested for a crime at some level. Yet despite the commonality of personal experience, the rhetoric surrounding criminal justice policy is not only heated but often mostly devoid of fact. So, when I was asked to write a foreword for a new book by Dr. Barry Latzer, one of Americas preeminent criminologists and an expert with a knack for cutting through the fact-free vitriol on this topic, I was intrigued.

According to popular belief, the United States locks up vast numbers of people for minor crimes or low-level offenses, such as minor drug possession or mere administrative infractions, and those offenders are subjected to severe sentences that are decades longer than necessary. Advocates of this view attach scary labels like mass incarceration, as if swaths of people are being indiscriminately rounded up and herded into prisons in scenes reminiscent of concentration camps. The result, allegedly, is that our criminal justice system wastes shocking amounts of money on lengthy sentences for minor offenders, and that those offenders only become more crime-prone as a result of their unjust incarceration. Such talking points are typically followed by proposals for reform that purport to focus the justice system on violent and serious criminals by drastically reducing enforcement of other offenses. It would be a compelling argument, if only it werent based entirely on fiction.

There is a group of activists that has taken this false narrative a step further, arguing that the justice system hasnt expanded to inadvertently ensnare small-time offenders, but that the system itself was designed as a tool of oppression from the beginning. According to this theory, the very existence of criminal punishment in the United States has never been anything other than institutionalized racism, bigotry, and class-based hatred, used by the rich and powerful to keep everyone else down. This, too, is nothing but fiction.

The truth, as Dr. Latzer makes clear, is that in the United States, low-level offenders dont go to prison for any significant length of time. Typically, such offenders dont go to prison at all, instead receiving slap-on-the-wrist consequences like fines, community service, or probation. The drug offenders who see more than nominal prison time are incarcerated for drug trafficking offenses, not low-level simple possession offenses, and even they do not drive our overall incarceration rates. Criminal justice defendants are not systemically targeted for their race or affinity group, either. And the vast majority of offenders with lengthy prison terms are behind bars for violent offenses, especially murder, aggravated assault, and rape.

What, then, of the point that the United States has such high incarceration rates? Its true that the United States in the last several decades has reached historically-high prison population numbersboth in terms of absolute numbers and per-capita rates. But those who claim that this proves their theory of overincarceration are able to see only one small part of the picture.

In the last half-century, crime rates skyrocketed as criminal leniency views reigned supreme, peaking in the 1990s before the public awakened and demanded stronger law enforcement. Taking back American streets and communities from unfettered violence naturally resulted in more convictions, and inmate numbers swelled. Technology, including everything from security cameras to ballistics and nationwide, searchable databases, has also made it easier to solve crimes than at any point in the past.

Despite improvements in and emphasis on law enforcement, the vast majority of crimes in the United States never result in so much as an arrest, much less a conviction or prison sentence. Less than half of reported violent crimes in the United States ever result in arrest. This is true even for murder (undoubtedly the most serious criminal offense), as four out of every ten homicides are never cleared.

The numbers are worse for rape and robbery, where two-thirds of offenders arent caught. And more than 80 percent of property crimes are never solved, either. Those who focus on comparing incarceration rates in the United States to incarceration rates elsewhereor to incarceration rates of the United States in decades and centuries pastmiss one simple point: The right number of inmates should be determined by how many people commit crimes. And by that metric, the United States has a serious under-incarceration problem.

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