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Naomi Murakawa - The First Civil Right: How Liberals Built Prison America

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Naomi Murakawa The First Civil Right: How Liberals Built Prison America
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The explosive rise in the U.S. incarceration rate in the second half of the twentieth century, and the racial transformation of the prison population from mostly white at mid-century to sixty-five percent black and Latino in the present day, is a trend that cannot easily be ignored. Many believe that this shift began with the tough on crime policies advocated by Republicans and southern Democrats beginning in the late 1960s, which sought longer prison sentences, more frequent use of the death penalty, and the explicit or implicit targeting of politically marginalized people. In The First Civil Right, Naomi Murakawa inverts the conventional wisdom by arguing that the expansion of the federal carceral state-a system that disproportionately imprisons blacks and Latinos-was, in fact, rooted in the civil-rights liberalism of the 1940s and early 1960s, not in the period after.
Murakawa traces the development of the modern American prison system through several presidencies, both Republican and Democrat. Responding to calls to end the lawlessness and violence against blacks at the state and local levels, the Truman administration expanded the scope of what was previously a weak federal system. Later administrations from Johnson to Clinton expanded the federal presence even more. Ironically, these steps laid the groundwork for the creation of the vast penal archipelago that now exists in the United States. What began as a liberal initiative to curb the mob violence and police brutality that had deprived racial minorities of their first civil right-physical safety-eventually evolved into the federal correctional system that now deprives them, in unjustly large numbers, of another important right: freedom. The First Civil Right is a groundbreaking analysis of root of the conflicts that lie at the intersection of race and the legal system in America.

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The First Civil Right Studies in Postwar American Political Development Steven - photo 1
The First Civil Right

Studies in Postwar American Political Development

Steven Teles, Series Editor

Series Board Members:

Jennifer Hochschild

Desmond King

Sanford Levinson

Taeku Lee

Shep Melnick

Paul Pierson

John Skrentny

Adam Sheingate

Reva Siegel

Thomas Sugrue

The Delegated Welfare State: Medicare, Markets, and the Governance of Social Policy

Kimberly J. MorganandAndrea Louise Campbell

Rule and Ruin: The Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party, From Eisenhower to the Tea Party

Geoffrey Kabaservice

Engines of Change: Party Factions in American Politics, 18682010

Daniel DiSalvo

Follow the Money: How Foundation Dollars Change Public School Politics

Sarah Reckhow

The Allure of Order: High Hopes, Dashed Expectations, and the Troubled Quest to Remake American Schooling

Jal Mehta

Rich Peoples Movements: Grassroots Campaigns to Untax the One Percent

Isaac William Martin

The First Civil Right How Liberals Built Prison America - image 2

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Oxford University Press 2014

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

CIP record is available from the Library of Congress

ISBN 9780199892785 (hbk)

ISBN 9780199892808 (pbk)

eISBN 9780199380725

CONTENTS
ABAAmerican Bar Association
ABFAmerican Bar Foundation
ACLUAmerican Civil Liberties Union
ALIAmerican Law Institute
BOPBureau of Prisons
CBCCongressional Black Caucus
COPSOffice of Community Oriented Policing Services
CRCCivil Rights Congress
CORECongress of Racial Equality
DEADrug Enforcement Administration
DOJU.S. Department of Justice
FBIFederal Bureau of Investigation
FDPAFederal Death Penalty Act of 1994
ICEImmigration and Customs Enforcement
IIRIRAIllegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996
LEAALaw Enforcement Assistance Administration
NCCDNational Council on Crime and Delinquency
NIJNational Institute of Justice
OLEAOffice of Law Enforcement Assistance
NAACPNational Association for the Advancement of Colored People
PCCRPresidents Committee on Civil Rights
PRWORAPersonal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996
RJARacial Justice Act
SNCCStudent Non-Violent Coordinating Committee
SRASentencing Reform Act of 1984
TANFTemporary Assistance to Needy Families
USCRCU.S. Civil Rights Commission
USSCU.S. Sentencing Commission
U.S.C.United States Code
The First Civil Right

Protection From Lawless Racial Violence

The first civil right of every American is to be free from domestic violence....We shall re-establish freedom from fear in America so that America can take the lead of re-establishing freedom from fear in the world. And to those who say that law-and-order is the code word for racism, here is a reply: Our goal is justicejustice for every American.

Richard Nixons Acceptance of the Republican Party Nomination for President, August 8, 1968

The [first] Condition of Our Rights [is] the Right to Safety and Security of the Person....Too many of our people still live under the harrowing fear of violence or death at the hands of a mob or of brutal treatment by police officers. Many fear entanglement with the law because of the knowledge that the justice rendered in some courts is not equal for all persons.

President Harry S. Trumans Committee on Civil Rights, To Secure These

One black man in the White House, one million black men in the Big House. This juxtaposition, used by many, captures the seemingly impossible reality of postcivil rights America. On the night of his election as forty-fourth president of the United States, Barack Obama took the stage in Chicagos Grant Park as self-declared proof that America is a place where all things are possible, and more than one commentator marked the first African American president as Exhibit A for the case that we have overcome.

This is the strange racial present, when talk of futuristic post-racialism coexists with a punishment system deemed a bridge to the racial past, even the new Jim Crow. This postcivil rights condition is so perfectly insidious that it seems the outcome of a grand plan. Indeed, the rise of mass incarceration appears to fulfill Richard Nixons 1968 campaign pledge to restore the first civil right of every American, which Nixon alternatively characterized as freedom from domestic violence, the right to be safe, and freedom from fear. Of course, Nixons first civil right was striking precisely because it was not the first civil right of its time, following as it did the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Warren Courts expansion of rights of the accused. As a co-optation of civil rights discourse, Nixons messages established a rank order: the implicitly white right to safety was paramount, not to be threatened by special minority and criminal rights. As if following Nixons 1968 call to fight narcotics peddlers and merchants of crime, lawmakers have over time enacted mandatory penalties and funded prison construction, facilitating the septupling of the incarcerated population from 1968 to 2010. When witnessed through a Nixonian lens of law-and-order as racism-free justice for every American, occupants of the White House and the Big House simply confirm each others legitimacy. Taken together, the presidents successes and the prisoners failures authenticate meritocracy, untainted by venomous white hatred and sentimental white lenience. As African American prisoners catapult the U.S. incarceration rate to the highest in the world, it seems that Nixons first civil right was promise and prophecy of what was to come.

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