METHOD AND MADNESS
2014 Norman G. Finkelstein
Published by OR Books, New York and London
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First printing 2014
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ISBN 978-1-939293-71-8 paperback
ISBN 978-1-939293-72-5 e-book
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Cover photograph: Israels bombing of Gaza with white phosphorus during Operation Cast Lead, January 2009 (Human Rights Watch).
This book is set in Amalia. Typeset by CBIGS Group, Chennai, India.
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To
Rudy, Carolyn, and Allan
This is a battle for hearts and minds. The IDF will make every effort to clearly demonstrate it can fight terrorism and win, thereby cementing itself in the enemys psyche as a beast one should not provoke.
Veteran Israeli journalist Ron Ben-Yishai on Operation Protective Edge
PREFACE
Israel has committed three massacres in Gaza during the past five years: Operation Cast Lead (20089), Operation Pillar of Defense (2012), and Operation Protective Edge (2014). It also killed in 2010 nine foreign nationals aboard a humanitarian vessel (the Mavi Marmara) en route to deliver basic goods to Gazas besieged population.
This book chronicles and analyzes these various Israeli assaults. It casts doubt on the accepted interpretation of their key triggers, features, and consequences. Each chapter reproduces (with minor stylistic changes) the authors commentary as it was composed after each successive assault. The year in each chapter heading indicates when it was written.
A trio of themes form the connective tissue of the books narrative. First, Israel has repeatedly manufactured pretexts to achieve larger political objectives. Invariably, it resorted to military action against Hamas in order to provoke a violent response. Israel then exploited Hamass retaliation to launch a series of murderous assaults on Gaza.
Second, Israel has time and again eluded accountability for its war crimes and crimes against humanity. Both the Goldstone Report and Turkeys attempt to prosecute Israel after the Mavi Marmara massacre proved stillborn. An International Criminal Court indictment of Israeli leaders after Operation Protective Edge also seems unlikely.
Third, at the end of each new round, the political balance between the antagonists did not change: each side declared victory, but neither side won. Such a stalemate has been much more tolerable for Israel than for the people of Gaza. The human and material losses suffered by Gazans have been of an incomparably greater magnitude. Moreover, Israel can live with the status quo, whereas Gaza, suffering under the double yoke of a foreign occupation and an illegal blockade, cannot. The fact that the indomitable will of the people of Gaza has repeatedly brought the Israeli killing machine to a standstill cannot but impress. However, such negative victories have yet to translate into a positive victory of a real improvement in Gazas daily life.
Palestinians are under neither legal nor moral obligation to desist from using armed force against Israel. Nonetheless, it is this authors contention that nonviolent mass resistance, both in Gaza and by its supporters abroad, still offers the best prospect for ending the illegal siege and occupation. Armed resistance has been attempted many times and, notwithstanding its heroism and nobility, has failed to budge Israel a jot. The time is ripe to attempt militant nonviolent resistance, or so it is argued in the ensuing pages.
Norman G. Finkelstein
September 2014
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to Maren Hackmann-Mahajan and Jamie Stern-Weiner for both their editorial skills and the pleasures of collaborating with them. I am also indebted to the many individuals who forwarded me important information and read earlier drafts of this manuscript.
1/ PEACE OFFENSIVE (2011)
IF ONLY IT WOULD JUST SINK INTO THE SEA , Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin despaired just before signing the 1993 Oslo Accord.
In January 2006, disgusted by years of official corruption and fruitless negotiations, Palestinians elected the Islamic movement Hamas into office. Israel immediately tightened its blockade of Gaza, and the US joined in. It was demanded of the newly elected government that it renounce violence, and recognize Israel as well as prior Israeli-Palestinian agreements. These preconditions for international engagement were unilateral, not reciprocal. Israel wasnt required to renounce violence. It wasnt compelled to withdraw from the occupied territories, enabling Palestinians to exercise their right to statehood. And, whereas Hamas was obliged to recognize prior agreements, such as the Oslo Accord, which undercut basic Palestinian rights,
In June 2007, Hamas consolidated its control over Gaza when it preempted a coup attempt orchestrated by Washington in league with Israel and elements of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The objective, then and now, was to instigate a backlash that Israel could exploit as a pretext for a full-blown assault.
On 27 December 2008, Israel launched Operation Cast Lead. The first week consisted of air attacks, followed on 3 January 2009 by a combined air and ground assault. Piloting the most advanced combat aircraft in the world, the Israeli air corps flew nearly 3,000 sorties over Gaza and dropped 1,000 tons of explosives, while the Israeli army deployment comprised several brigades equipped with sophisticated intelligence-gathering systems and weaponry, such as robotic and TV-aided remote-controlled guns. During the attack, Palestinian armed groups fired some 925 mostly rudimentary rockets (and an additional number of mortar shells) into Israel. On 18 January, a cease-fire went into effect, but the economic strangulation of Gaza continued.
Israel officially justified Cast Lead on the grounds of self-defense against Hamas rocket attacks.
A close look at Israeli actions sustains the conclusion that the massive death and destruction visited on Gaza were not an accidental byproduct of the 20089 invasion but its barely concealed objective. To deflect culpability for this premeditated slaughter, Israel persistently alleged that Palestinian casualties resulted from Hamass use of civilians as human shields. Indeed, throughout its attack, Israel strove to manipulate perceptions by controlling press reports and otherwise tilting Western coverage in its favor. But the allegation that Hamas used civilians as human shields was not borne out by human rights investigations, while the gap between Israels claim that it did everything possible to avoid collateral damage and the hundreds of bodies of women and children dug out of the rubble was too vast to bridge.
The attacks that caused the greatest number of fatalities and injuries, Amnesty International found in its post-invasion inquiry,
were carried out with long-range high-precision munitions fired from combat aircraft, helicopters and drones, or from tanks stationed up to several kilometers awayoften against preselected targets, a process that would normally require approval from up the chain of command. The victims of these attacks were not caught in the crossfire of battles between Palestinian militants and Israeli forces, nor were they shielding militants or other legitimate targets. Many were killed when their homes were bombed while they slept. Others were going about their daily activities in their homes, sitting in their yard, hanging the laundry on the roof when they were targeted in air strikes or tank shelling. Children were studying or playing in their bedrooms or on the roof, or outside their homes, when they were struck by missiles or tank shells.
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