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E. Willems - Followers of the New Faith: Culture Change and the Rise of Protestantism in Brazil and Chile

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title Followers of the New Faith Culture Change and the Rise of - photo 1

title:Followers of the New Faith : Culture Change and the Rise of Protestantism in Brazil and Chile
author:Willems, Emlio.
publisher:Vanderbilt University Press
isbn10 | asin:
print isbn13:9780826511065
ebook isbn13:9780585138008
language:English
subjectProtestant churches--Brazil, Protestant churches--Chile, Brazil--Social conditions, Chile--Social conditions.
publication date:1967
lcc:BX4836.B8W5eb
ddc:280/.4/098
subject:Protestant churches--Brazil, Protestant churches--Chile, Brazil--Social conditions, Chile--Social conditions.
Page iii
Followers of the New Faith
Culture Change and the Rise of Protestantism
in Brazil and Chile
Emilio Willems
VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY PRESS: 1967
Page iv
Copyright 1967 by
Vanderbilt University Press
Library of Congress Catalogue
Card number 67-27517
Printed in the
United States of America by
Baird-Ward Printing Company
Nashville, Tennessee
Page v
PREFACE
This book is an attempt to understand the emergence and development of proselytic Protestantism within the context of two Latin American cultures. It claims to be no more than exploratory in its methods and tentative in its results. To Place the development of Protestantism (or any other religion) in the context of a particular culture is to assume that the questions of why, where, how, and when Protestant denominationalism arose are tied in with what has been happening to institutions and customs which, at first glance, seem unrelated to religious behavior. An attempt will thus be made to see the acceptance and dissemination of Protestant creeds as something that may be conditioned or prompted by changes in the traditional ways of life of the two countries under scrutiny. On the other hand, the possibility must be admitted that, once established, the new religion may generate modes of thinking, feeling and acting that deviate significantly from traditional ways of life.
The contextual approach is implicitly "structural-functional," in the broadest possible sense. Here, emphasis is placed on what Protestantism "does" to the societies of Brazil and Chile and what specific conditions in the texture of these societies have been instrumental in generating the Protestant deviation from religious norms and folkways.
Since the cultural changes we are dealing with occur in time and space, our inquiry is bound to have historical depth and geographic range. In view of one of our leading hypotheses, both approaches seem equally important, but this book is most emphatically not a history of Brazilian or Chilean Protestantism, nor does our ecological inquiry claim complete coverage of such vast territories and their largely unchartered cultural variability.
Such psychological phenomena as the conversion experience or spirit possession are here considered as given rather than as objects of specific inquiry. In other words, the questions we shall attempt to answer refer to the social and psychological functions of spirit possession, for example, rather than to its psychological nature. Whatever spirit possession may be, in purely psychological terms, it cannot be denied that it somehow affects the people who experience it.
Page vi
Furthermore, none of our hypotheses is in any sense concerned with theological propositions, and the outcome of our inquiry is not to be construed as an implicit endorsement of any theological doctrine. "No religions are false; all answer, though in different ways, to given conditions of human existence." These well-known words by Emile Durkheim reflect the position of the author facing a religious system as an object of research.
It would be invidious and misleading to present this study as a confrontation between Protestantism and Catholicism. That portion of the Brazilian and Chilean population reported as "Catholic" by the national censuses shows such variation in the practice of religion as prescribed by the Catholic church that, in the present context, it can only be described as non-Protestant. The Latin American habit of classifying oneself as "Catholic," whether pious or lax, agnostic or openly anticlerical, sharply contrasts to the Protestant self-classification which is based predominantly on active church membership and communicant status. Thus, to the extent that comparisons are made, they refer to Protestants and non-Protestants.
A variety of research techniques has been used. The use of secondary materials, although extensive, was preceded by a critical evaluation of the sources as well as the methodological aspects of the various publications quoted in the text. Description of such activities as street-corner proselytism, religious services, the manifestations of spirit possession, performance of healing rites, meetings of religious leaders, and the like is always based on direct observation of these events, either by the author himself or by one or several of his research assistants. Whenever feasible, attendance of or participation in those activities was repeated and observations cross-checked with previous ones to obtain a reasonably accurate picture of the occurrences. The extensive use of informants constitutes another important source of information. Since nearly fifteen months were spent in the field, it was possible, not only to interview the same informants several times, but also to add new informants and to change interviewers.
The use of informants, prime source of data in anthropological field work, raises an interesting question. Although considered sound in studies of small communities, it becomes increasingly unreliable as the aggregate under scrutiny increases in size and complexity. While resort to direct observation and informants may be considered routine
Page vii
procedure in the small communities on which data were either available or had to be obtained for the purpose of this study, considerable doubt may arise about the validity of such techniques when used in the metropolitan areas of Santiago or So Paulo, for example. As a rule, however, the individual Protestant congregation, even in the largest city, turned out to be rather small and tightly integrated. The church, particularly the sect, absorbs so much of the available time of its members that they get to know one another quite intimately. The typical Protestant congregation thus resembles, in some of its basic aspects, a small community rather than the typical urban parish of the Catholic church with thousands of members, most of whom are no closer to one another than the attendants of an artistic performance or a political rally. In other words, the individual Protestant congregation may be approached as if it were a small community, and in our experience the data gathered from informants seem no less reliable than those provided by members of a peasant village, particularly in so far as religion and its behavorial concomitants are concerned.
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