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Robert A. Stebbins - Social Worlds and the Leisure Experience

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SOCIAL WORLDS AND THE
LEISURE EXPERIENCE
SOCIAL WORLDS AND THE
LEISURE EXPERIENCE
BY
ROBERT A. STEBBINS
University of Calgary, Canada
Emerald Publishing Limited Howard House Wagon Lane Bingley BD16 1WA UK First - photo 1
Emerald Publishing Limited
Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK
First edition 2018
Copyright 2018 Robert A. Stebbins. Published under Exclusive Licence
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No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright Clearance Center. Any opinions expressed in the chapters are those of the authors. Whilst Emerald makes every effort to ensure the quality and accuracy of its content, Emerald makes no representation implied or otherwise, as to the chapters suitability and application and disclaims any warranties, express or implied, to their use.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-78769-716-4 (Print)
ISBN: 978-1-78769-713-3 (Online)
ISBN: 978-1-78769-715-7 (Epub)
CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES PREFACE Anselm Strauss 1978 wrote the - photo 2
CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES
PREFACE
Anselm Strauss (1978) wrote the following 40 years ago:
But we have not developed a general view of social worlds as a widespread, significant phenomenon, nor have we developed a program for studying them systematically. Nor do we have an adequate appreciation of what a social world perspective might signify for classical sociological issues. There is also too little awareness of the significance for interactionism itself of social world analysis. (p. 121)
This indictment is still valid, even though some progress has been made in improving the situation. Notably, various scholars in leisure studies have amassed an impressive number of field studies bearing on the social worlds of a range of serious pursuits.
Still, this sphere of modern life needs a coherent statement about what social worlds consist of, what they do, and where they fit in social theory. That social worlds frame the leisure experience hints at the answers to these three questions. The core activity(ies) lying at the base of the leisure experience are pursued within the social world that encompasses such activity. To understand more fully why people are attracted to and continue with a serious pursuit, we must also understand its social world.
Furthermore, the concept of social world is anchored in social theory and, in the case of the worlds of leisure, that of the serious leisure perspective (SLP) has become an exemplar. This link is explained in Chapter 1, where it is noted that the social world and its accompanying ethos are centrally implicated as one of the six distinctive qualities of the serious pursuits. This theoretic marriage is in keeping with Strausss (1978, p. 128) advice that social world research should build general theory about social worlds rather than merely to aim at substantive research on particular ones. That said, some research should also be done to generate emergent theory, to discover new elements in heretofore never-studied social worlds.
Chapter 2 focuses on the members of leisure social worlds and the activities that the first so enthusiastically pursue. David Unruhs four-fold typology of members is the basis for this discussion. Chapter 3 provides a window on the culture and communications of these worlds, drawing on for the second Unruhs observations. Chapter 4, which concludes this book, returns to the issue of the differences separating the casual and serious leisure social worlds. Next, the contributions to this area made by Strauss and Unruh are considered. Both have underscored the salience of activities in the study of social worlds, which are so well highlighted in research on leisure.
CHAPTER 1
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Interest in the social worlds of leisure is substantial, though one largely expressed along lines of the serious leisure perspective (SLP). This book is based on what has been learned since 1973 about those worlds as acquired through the research efforts of the author and many others. In the present book, I set out a variety of hypothetical generalizations about the social worlds of amateurs, hobbyists, and career volunteers, each extrapolated from the relevant studies among the 30 conducted within the conceptual framework of the SLP since 1973.1
This book is an exercise in the study of the social organization of modern leisure at the meso-level of theory and analysis. Although the social world first appeared in the serious leisure literature in Stebbins (1982), I have only undertaken in-depth conceptualization of this kind in two other publications (Stebbins, 2002, Chapter 6 and Stebbins, 2017, Chapter 5). In both of these publications, the social world was but one of many concepts on the table for consideration. In the present volume, it is, by contrast, the principal plate on the menu. Exclusive and detailed analysis is in order for this idea, it being a concept imported from symbolic interactionist sociology and therefore in need of some conceptual modification when applying it in the domain of leisure. In other words, unlike some other concepts in leisure studies, the social world is not native to this discipline; it did not emerge from exploratory fieldwork on leisure activities.
1.1. THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL WORLD
The idea of the social world is a scientific construction, albeit one that members of such a formation seem to recognize easily once given a simple description of their own. The social world is not, therefore, a folk term, even though it is exciting to be in one that will be described later in this chapter as complex. That is, there is in such involvement a feeling of belonging to a distinct social entity, of identity, and a sophistication about how that entity functions and about ones place in it. Moreover, a given complex social world is dynamic, often changing as members come and go, improving (or declining) in the core activity, while the nature of its tourists and strangers can vary for better or worse.2
Social worlds may be studied with reference to a demographic category as Unruh (1983), for example, did with the elderly or to a social status such as a variety of deviant (e.g., Bradley-Engen & Ulmer, 2009) or of ethnicity (e.g., Taylor, 1983, Chapter 1). Yet, these applications of the concept are rare compared with those centered on something palpable like activities, sites, technologies, and organizations typical of particular social worlds as Strauss (1978, p. 121) urged. Moreover, these conceptions of the social world differ substantially from that presented in the many books using the social world as a rough equivalent of society. The latter conception centers on broad social worlds, or social environments, in which most people interact on a routine basis framed in a shared culture and social organization (see Amazon.com/books/search term social world).
Nevertheless, a major problem with hitching research on social worlds to the wagon of activity is that the latter, despite Strausss observation, has until recently been insufficiently conceptualized. To be sure, the idea is a palpable matter, but what does that mean in real life? What is an activity? Nowadays, in leisure studies, it has been defined as a type of pursuit, wherein participants in it mentally or physically (often both) think or do something, motivated by the hope of achieving a desired end (Stebbins, 2012, p. 6). Over the years, it has become a foundational concept in the SLP. There it is argued that our existence is filled with activities, both pleasant and unpleasant: sleeping, mowing the lawn, taking the train to work, having a tooth filled, eating lunch, playing tennis matches, running a meeting, and on and on. Activities, as this list illustrates, may be categorized as work, leisure, or non-work obligation. They are, furthermore, general. In some instances, they refer to the behavioral side of recognizable roles, for example, commuter, tennis player, and chair of a meeting. In others, we may recognize the activity but not conceive of it so formally as a role, exemplified in someone sleeping, mowing a lawn, or eating lunch (not as patron in a restaurant).
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