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Russell D. Buhite - Decisions at Yalta: An Appraisal of Summit Diplomacy

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Decisions at Yalta: An Appraisal of Summit Diplomacy: summary, description and annotation

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A study of the effectiveness of summitry as a means of diplomacy. Using the example of the 1945 Yalta conference between Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt, the author argues that heads of state make ineffective negotiators.

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title Decisions At Yalta An Appraisal of Summit Diplomacy author - photo 1

title:Decisions At Yalta : An Appraisal of Summit Diplomacy
author:Buhite, Russell D.
publisher:Scholarly Resources, Inc.
isbn10 | asin:0842022562
print isbn13:9780842022569
ebook isbn13:9780585196268
language:English
subjectYalta Conference--(1945) , World politics--1945- , World War, 1939-1945--Peace.
publication date:1986
lcc:D734.C7 1945eb
ddc:940.53/4
subject:Yalta Conference--(1945) , World politics--1945- , World War, 1939-1945--Peace.
Page iii
Decisions At Yalta
An Appraisal of Summit Diplomacy
Russell D. Buhite
Page iv The paper used in this publication meets the minimum - photo 2
Page iv
Picture 3
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for permanence of paper for printed library materials, Z39.48, 1984.
(c) 1986 Scholarly Resources Inc.
All rights reserved
First published 1986
Printed and bound in the United States of America
Scholarly Resources Inc.
104 Greenhill Avenue
Wilmington, Delaware 19805-1897
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Buhite, Russell D.
Decisions at Yalta.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Yalta Conference (1945) 2. World politics
1945- . 3. World War, 1939-1945-Peace. I. Title.
D734.C7 1945zl 940.53'14 86-13779
ISBN 0-8420-2256-2 (alk. paper)
ISBN 0-8420-2268-6 (pbk.: alk. paper)
Page v
Acknowledgments
I am obliged to acknowledge the aid and assistance of a number of individuals in the completion of this work. My primary debt is to the nameless freshman in a class of 500 who suggested that I do a book on Yalta. I hope he earned an "A." Richard Hopper, acquisitions editor for Scholarly Resources, expressed early interest in the project and encouraged me to complete the study and submit it for publication. To Carolyn Travers, the project editor, and to others on the editorial staff, I am grateful for the elimination of stylistic slips and the various and sundry errors that exist in any manuscript. My research assistant, Garth Todd, did yeoman work in gathering both manuscript and secondary materials for my use. The staff at the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library proved most cooperative and helpful during my stay there in the summer of 1984, a stay made possible by a grant from the Four Freedoms Foundation of the Roosevelt Library. Paul Varg provided a careful reading of the manuscript and gave me the benefit of his ideas, while my colleague Henry Tobias discussed a number of points of interpretation with me. As she has done in the past, Martha Penisten, administrative secretary at the university's History Department, generously interrupted her busy schedule to type the manuscript. Finally, my wife Mary-helpmate, companion, and best friend-gave support that only she could provide, or permit. That the above have incurred no responsibility for any errors of fact or interpretation existing in the book will not prevent my sharing the blame with them.
Page vii
For Mike
Page ix
Contents
Introduction
xi
I Setting and Personalities
1
II Germany
21
III Poland
39
IV The United Nations
71
V The Far East
85
VI Iran, Yugoslavia, and the Declaration on Liberated Europe
105
VII Yalta and the Palestine Problem
119
VIII An Appraisal
129
Bibliography
139
Index
151

Page xi
Introduction
This book is designed primarily for students in American history courses as well as for the lay reader who may be interested in an interpretive account of one of this century's most important and controversial summit conferences. It is not intended to be an exhaustive or definitive study of the subject based on new archival research, although it does include information not previously available. It places Yalta within the context of dtente and emphasizes that in the two main periods during which the United States and the Soviet Union pursued a dtente relationship such an asymmetry of views existed that avoiding serious discord became virtually impossible.
A working definition of the term dtente and a brief account of its meaning to American and Soviet policymakers historically are essential to an understanding of the divergent approaches and expectations at Yalta. Without belaboring the issue, it can simply be said that dtente is a method or process that states may use to put aside differences and improve relations in the interest of avoiding conflict among them. In the case of the United States and the Soviet Union, it has involved the construction of a network of agreements, either to meet a common objective, as during World War II when no real entente cordiale developed, or, as in the last twenty years, to avoid nuclear holocaust.
For the Soviet Union, dtente arose out of the concept of coexistence, a foreign policy approach that had its origins in the early postrevolutionary period. Although Marxist-Leninist ideology postulated that the transition to socialism would require war or violent revolution, Soviet leaders in the 1920s, realizing the comparative weakness of the new Soviet state, decided that they had to avoid war with the capitalist nations in the short term. The way to do this was to concentrate on increasing Soviet strength, while downplaying the promotion of international communism. During the World War II era the Soviets made
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