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Anthony T. Kronman - The Assault on American Excellence

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Among the institutions that Tocqueville identifies as potential counterweights [to leveling egalitarianism and tyranny of the majority], he mentions our colleges and universities. These have never been entirely aristocratic in Tocquevilles sense. They have always had a democratic side as well. And their acceptance of the aristocratic ideal of an order of moral, spiritual, and cultural excellence has at every step been contaminated by the confusion of this order with the very different one of wealth and social privilege. It has been weakened and sometimes corrupted by the exclusionary prejudices that kept women, Jews, and blacks out and the untalented children of alumni in. Yet, at their best, our colleges and universities have resisted the demand to make themselves over in the image of the democratic values of the culture as a whole. Even while striving to make the process of admission more open and fair, they have held to the idea that part of the work of our most distinguished institutions of higher learning is to preserve, transmit, and honor an aristocratic tradition of respect for human greatness.This is important for two reasons. The first is the preservation of a cultured appreciation of excellence in human living, as distinct from vocational success. The latter produces inequalities of wealth, status, and power. But it is consistent with the democratic belief that no ones humanity is greater than anyone elses. This is true if we are talking about political and legal rights. It is false if we assume that the universal powers of enjoyment, expression, and judgment that all human beings possess are more developed in some souls than othersthat in some they are particularly subtle and refined, especially when it comes to the most intellectually, aesthetically, and spiritually demanding exertions. This is an aristocratic assumption. In a democracy like ours, it is in constant danger of being derided or dismissed. But if it is, we lose something of value. Without the idea of greatness of soul, human life becomes smaller and flatter. It becomes both less noble and less tragic. Protecting this idea from democratic diminution is the first reason our colleges and universities need to nurture the aristocratic love of what is brilliant and fine. The second is that this love itself contributes to the strength and stability of our democratic way of life. Every adult in our country gets to vote. Each has the right to decide for him- or herself which candidates and policies are best. But the forces of conformity are great. The principle of universal equality, and its corollary the principle of individual self-rule, in fact make these forces stronger. The freedom to make up ones own mind is a large responsibility. Many ease the burden by embracing the opinions of others with little or no independent reflection. The result is a kind of groupthink, partly the result of ignorance and partly of fear. This makes it easier for would-be tyrants to manipulate the democratic masses and eventually deprive them of their freedom. Tocquevilles greatest concern for the future of America was that conformity of thought would ease the way to despotism.There are many counterweights to this, of course. Tocqueville puts special emphasis on the role of a free press. An education in human greatness contributes to democratic life as well. To some this will seem paradoxical. How can the cultivation of a spirit of aristocratic connoisseurship make our democracy stronger? The answer is by developing the habit of judging people and events from a point of view that is less vulnerable to the moods of the moment; by increasing the self-reliance of those who, because they recognize the distinction between what is excellent and common, have less need to base their standards on what everyone knows or goes without saying; and by strengthening the ability to subject ones own opinions and feelings to higher and more durable measures of truth and justice. In all these ways, an aristocratic education promotes the independent-mindedness that is needed to combat the tyranny of majority opinion that, in Tocquevilles view, is the greatest danger our democracy confronts.It cannot by itself protect us against this danger, but it makes a real contribution. Whether as leaders or citizens, the beneficiaries of such an education are in a better position to make up their minds for themselves. Many of course fail, just like everyone else. However, in their case failure is the abuse of a special trust that their education confers on them to guard against the mob mind that our democracy is always at risk of becoming.[from Kronman abstract @ Zero Hedge]

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Also by Anthony Kronman Confessions of a Born-Again Pagan Educations End - photo 1

Also by Anthony Kronman

Confessions of a Born-Again Pagan

Educations End

The Lost Lawyer

Max Weber

Picture 2

Free Press

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Copyright 2019 by Anthony Kronman

All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any form whatsoever. For information, address Simon & Schuster Subsidiary Rights Department, 1230 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10020.

First Free Press hardcover edition August 2019

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Interior design by Carly Loman

Jacket design by Jason Heuer

Jacket art by Rashevskyi Viacheslav/Shutterstock

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Kronman, Anthony T., author.

Title: The assault on American excellence / Anthony T. Kronman.

Description: New York : Free Press, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018044086 (print) | LCCN 2018055458 (ebook) | ISBN 9781501199516 (Ebook) | ISBN 9781501199486 (hardback)

Subjects: LCSH: Education, HigherAims and objectivesUnited States. | Education, HigherPolitical aspectsUnited States. | Intellectual freedomUnited States. | DemocracyUnited States. | BISAC: EDUCATION / Higher. | EDUCATION / Aims & Objectives.

Classification: LCC LA227.4 (ebook) | LCC LA227.4 .K76 2019 (print) | DDC 378.73dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018044086

ISBN 978-1-5011-9948-6

ISBN 978-1-5011-9951-6 (ebook)

For my students

Contents
Introduction
I.

I N THE LATE SUMMER OF 2015, the Yale Daily News carried a story that caught my attention.

Yale undergraduates live in residential units called colleges. The story reported that the master of one of these had decided to change his title on account of what he judged to be its offensive connotations. Some students had complained that it reminded them of the plantation culture of the Old South. The master of Pierson College sympathized with their complaints. He said he understood why black students in particular might be sensitive to the use of the term and that he wanted them to feel equally welcome at Yale, whose traditions retained many of the cultural trappings of the almost exclusively white, Anglo, male school that it had been for nearly all of its first three hundred years. To avoid even the possibility of giving offense to those who might associate his title with the racism and hierarchy of the antebellum South, the master of Pierson announced that in the future he would refer to himself not as a master but by some more neutral term instead.

I found it hard to believe he was serious. In an academic setting, the word master carries none of the connotations the complaining students found offensive. Instead of mindlessly deferring to their feelings, the master of Pierson should have told them what is obviousthat in this setting the word has an altogether different meaning. More particularly, he should have pointed out that the hierarchical relation of master to student has a perfectly legitimate place in a school like Yale, which is devoted not to the promotion of equality but the recognition of excellence instead. It seemed wrong to me, in any case, that a Yale official should be allowed to change his title on his own. If the master of Pierson could do this, shouldnt others be free to modify their titles as well? I assumed he would quickly be rebuked. But Yale not only acquiesced in his decision, a few months later it announced that it would no longer use the term master in referring to the heads of any of the residential colleges.

At the time, the master debate struck me as rather silly. I thought it a tempest in a teapota ridiculous exaggeration of wounded feelings, anguished responses, and inflated moral concerns. What I could not know, in the fall of 2015, was that this was only the opening act in a very serious drama that played out at Yale over the next year and a half.

The drama began in earnest with the traditional welcoming address that Yales president gave to the incoming class that August. He first reminded his audience that the summer before had been one of explosive racial tension across the country. He recalled the horrors of Charleston, SC, where in June a deranged racist had murdered nine black churchgoers at a prayer meeting at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church. He went on to tell the newly arrived students and their families that Yale too had unfinished business in Americas ongoing struggle for racial reconciliation. He then drew their attention to the long-simmering controversy over the name of Calhoun College, whose namesake had, among other things, defended slavery on the grounds that it was good for slaves and masters alike.

At this point the president of Yale issued an invitation to the entire community to join him in an open-ended conversation about whether Calhoun should be renamed, without saying how the question would be answered, or when or by whom. It is hard to imagine a more imprudent course or a speech less appropriate to the occasion.

For the president of Yale to address a group of young people who have been on campus only a few days, not about the intellectual adventure before them, but rather their moral responsibility to help decide whether Calhoun College should be renameda matter about which they could have known little in advanceput the life of action before that of the mind. His speech conveyed the idea that the university to which they had come, after so much sacrifice and hard work, was first and most importantly a community of moral commitment and only secondarily one of teaching and learning. It guaranteed that the debate that followed would be seen by those on both sides in a political light. And his reckless invocation of the Charleston killings as a prelude to a university-wide soul-searching about the name of Calhoun College all but assured that those who favored keeping it would be viewed by their opponents as moral monsters, not far removed from Dylann Roof, the Charleston shooter.

The following spring, when Yales president announced that the university had decided to keep the name, the response was predictable. Those who wanted the name changed had every reason to believe that the president did too. They understandably assumed that he had summoned the Yale community to a year of self-reflection in order to prepare the way for what was coming. In their eyes his announcement was less a disappointment than a betrayal. The reaction was intense. Hundreds of students and faculty signed letters urging him to reconsider. They protested and held marches on campus. Yales president quickly concluded that he had no practical choice but to change course. He then did what those of an administrative temper often do: He appointed a committee to advise him. He christened it, in good Orwellian fashion, the Committee to Establish Principles on Renaming and charged it with producing a set of general norms to guide the university in resolving all naming disputes, including, but in theory at least not confined to, the one surrounding Calhoun College.

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