Thomas Jefferson - Complete Works of Thomas Jefferson

The Complete Works of

THOMAS JEFFERSON

(1743-1826)

Contents

Delphi Classics 2019

Version 1

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The Complete Works of

THOMAS JEFFERSON

By Delphi Classics, 2019

Complete Works of Thomas Jefferson

First published in the United Kingdom in 2019 by Delphi Classics.

Delphi Classics, 2019.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the publisher, nor be otherwise circulated in any form other than that in which it is published.

ISBN: 978 1 78877 979 1

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The Rivanna River, a tributary of the James River, central Virginia close to the site of Jeffersons birthplace in Shadwell

The site of the birthplace the house was burnt down in 1770.

This tract was written by Jefferson in 1774, prior to the U. S. Declaration of Independence. The text lays out for delegates of the First Continental Congress a set of grievances against King George III, especially against the King and Parliaments response to the Boston Tea Party. Jefferson argues that the British Parliament do not have the right to govern the Thirteen Colonies, suggesting that as the individual colonies were founded they were independent of British rule. Jefferson goes on to uphold that allodial title, not feudal title, was held to American lands, and therefore the people do not owe fees and rents for that land to the British crown.

The work was presented to and debated by the First Continental Congress, though Jefferson did not attend himself. Despite his attempts, Congress agreed to a more moderate decision than Jeffersons proposed idea. Although unable to completely convince Congress, Jeffersons friends decided to print A Summary View of the Rights of British America in a pamphlet form in 1774. Widely distributed throughout London, New York and Philadelphia, the text helped establish Jeffersons reputation as a skilful and radical political writer.

Coronation portrait of George III by Allan Ramsay, 1762. George III (1738-1820) was King of Great Britain and King of Ireland from 25 October 1760 until the union of the two countries on 1 January 1801, after which he was King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland until his death in 1820.

Jefferson as a young man, c. 1785

A TRACT WRITTEN BEFORE THE UNITED STATES DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, IN WHICH ARE LAID OUT A NUMBER OF JUSTIFICATIONS FOR THE BOSTON TEA PARTY AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

R ESOLVED, THAT IT be an instruction to the said deputies, when assembled in general congress with the deputies from the other states of British America, to propose to the said congress that an humble and dutiful address be presented to his majesty, begging leave to lay before him, as chief magistrate of the British empire, the united complaints of his majestys subjects in America; complaints which are excited by many unwarrantable encroachments and usurpations, attempted to be made by the legislature of one part of the empire, upon those rights which God and the laws have given equally and independently to all. To represent to his majesty that these his states have often individually made humble application to his imperial throne to obtain, through its intervention, some redress of their injured rights, to none of which was ever even an answer condescended; humbly to hope that this their joint address, penned in the language of truth, and divested of those expressions of servility which would persuade his majesty that we are asking favours, and not rights, shall obtain from his majesty a more respectful acceptance. And this his majesty will think we have reason to expect when he reflects that he is no more than the chief officer of the people, appointed by the laws, and circumscribed with definite powers, to assist in working the great machine of government, erected for their use, and consequently subject to their superintendance. And in order that these our rights, as well as the invasions of them, may be laid more fully before his majesty, to take a view of them from the origin and first settlement of these countries.

To remind him that our ancestors, before their emigration to America, were the free inhabitants of the British dominions in Europe, and possessed a right which nature has given to all men, of departing from the country in which chance, not choice, has placed them, of going in quest of new habitations, and of there establishing new societies, under such laws and regulations as to them shall seem most likely to promote public happiness. That their Saxon ancestors had, under this universal law, in like manner left their native wilds and woods in the north of Europe, had possessed themselves of the island of Britain, then less charged with inhabitants, and had established there that system of laws which has so long been the glory and protection of that country. Nor was ever any claim of superiority or dependence asserted over them by that mother country from which they had migrated; and were such a claim made, it is believed that his majestys subjects in Great Britain have too firm a feeling of the rights derived to them from their ancestors, to bow down the sovereignty of their state before such visionary pretensions. And it is thought that no circumstance has occurred to distinguish materially the British from the Saxon emigration. America was conquered, and her settlements made, and firmly established, at the expence of individuals, and not of the British public. Their own blood was spilt in acquiring lands for their settlement, their own fortunes expended in making that settlement effectual; for themselves they fought, for themselves they conquered, and for themselves alone they have right to hold. Not a shilling was ever issued from the public treasures of his majesty, or his ancestors, for their assistance, till of very late times, after the colonies had become established on a firm and permanent footing. That then, indeed, having become valuable to Great Britain for her commercial purposes, his parliament was pleased to lend them assistance against an enemy, who would fain have drawn to herself the benefits of their commerce, to the great aggrandizement of herself, and danger of Great Britain. Such assistance, and in such circumstances, they had often before given to Portugal, and other allied states, with whom they carry on a commercial intercourse; yet these states never supposed, that by calling in her aid, they thereby submitted themselves to her sovereignty. Had such terms been proposed, they would have rejected them with disdain, and trusted for better to the moderation of their enemies, or to a vigorous exertion of their own force. We do not, however, mean to under-rate those aids, which to us were doubtless valuable, on whatever principles granted; but we would shew that they cannot give a title to that authority which the British parliament would arrogate over us, and that they may amply be repaid by our giving to the inhabitants of Great Britain such exclusive privileges in trade as may be advantageous to them, and at the same time not too restrictive to ourselves. That settlements having been thus effected in the wilds of America, the emigrants thought proper to adopt that system of laws under which they had hitherto lived in the mother country, and to continue their union with her by submitting themselves to the same common sovereign, who was thereby made the central link connecting the several parts of the empire thus newly multiplied.