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Timothy Fuller - Machiavellis Legacy: The Prince After Five Hundred Years

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Timothy Fuller Machiavellis Legacy: The Prince After Five Hundred Years
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Niccolo Machiavellis The Prince is one of the most celebrated and notorious books in the history of Western political thought. It continues to influence discussions of war and peace, the nature of politics, and the relation of private ethics to public duties. Ostensibly a sixteenth-century manual of instruction on certain aspects of princely rule and behavior, The Prince anticipates and complicates modern political and philosophical questions. What is the right order of society? Can Western politics still be the model for progress toward peace and prosperity, or does our freedom to create our individual purposes and pursuits undermine our public responsibilities? Are the characteristics of our politics markedly different, for better or for worse, than the politics of earlier eras? Machiavelli argues that there is no ideal, transcendent order to which one can conform, and that the right order is merely the one that has the capacity to persist over time. The Princes emphasis on the importance of an effective truth over any abstract ideal marks it as one of the first works of modern political philosophy.
Machiavellis Legacy situates Machiavelli in general and The Prince in particular at the birth of modernity. Joining the conversation with established Machiavelli scholars are political theorists, Americanists, and international relations scholars, ensuring a diversity of viewpoints and approaches. Each contributor elucidates different features of Machiavellis thinking, from his rejection of classical antiquity and Christianity, to his proposed dissolution of natural roles and hierarchies among human beings. The essays cover topics such as Machiavellis vision for a heaven-sent redemptive ruler of Italy, an argument that Machiavelli accomplished a profoundly democratic turn in political thought, and a tough-minded liberal critique of his realistic agenda for political life, resulting in a book that is, in effect, a spirited conversation about Machiavellis legacy.
Contributors: Thomas E. Cronin, David Hendrickson, Harvey Mansfield, Clifford Orwin, Arlene Saxonhouse, Maurizio Viroli, David Wootton, Catherine Zuckert.

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Machiavellis Legacy
Machiavellis Legacy
Machiavellis Legacy The Prince After Five Hundred Years - image 1
The Prince After Five Hundred Years
Edited by
Timothy Fuller
Picture 2
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS
PHILADELPHIA
Copyright 2016 University of Pennsylvania Press
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher.
Published by
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112
www.upenn.edu/pennpress
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Machiavellis legacy : The Prince after five hundred years / edited by Timothy Fuller.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8122-4769-5 (alk. paper)
1. Machiavelli, Niccol, 14691527. Principe. 2. Political sciencePhilosophy. I. Fuller, Timothy, 1940editor.
JC143.M4M3228 2016
320.1dc23
2015025668
CONTENTS
TIMOTHY FULLER
HARVEY C. MANSFIELD
MAURIZIO VIROLI
CATHERINE HEIDT ZUCKERT
ARLENE W. SAXONHOUSE
DAVID WOOTTON
DAVID C. HENDRICKSON
THOMAS E. CRONIN
CLIFFORD ORWIN
Introduction
TIMOTHY FULLER
Machiavelli is, next to Plato, perhaps the most famous political thinker in our tradition, and also among the most controversial. The term Machiavellian is in common use today, no doubt employed by many who know little if anything about his life or writings. The term carries with it a sinister overtone going back at least to Shakespeares portrayal of an evil King Richard III who calls himself a Machiavel. But in the course of centuries the reception and interpretation of Machiavellis thought has become complicated, the source of numerous scholarly disputes. Is he a teacher of moral evil? Or is he, without endorsing them, providing a sober and detached view of the actualities of human conduct, thereby becoming a catalyst for the modern social sciences? Is he the advocate of absolute princely power or the defender of republican government? Is The Prince a handbook for rulers or is it a satire on princely rule, intended to warn the public about princes? Is he calling for a great act of founding a new order implying a vision of what we have come to know as the modern state? Does his discussion of Fortuna suggest that human ingenuity must always be defeated by historical contingency, or is there room for human choice and action to create a new order which might restore, in a new form, the lost greatness of Roman antiquity? Was The Prince written in hope of release from exile and in search of employment from the Medici in the Florentine government? Or was it written for the attentive reader who would see a much larger purpose?
Among the questions widely debated among students of political philosophy today, a central question is, What is modernity? What do we mean when we use this term? At what point might we say modernity came to sight? What distinguishes the modern from the ancient? Is the character of politics in our time markedly differentfor better or worsefrom politics in earlier times? Such debates quickly and inevitably bring Machiavelli to the forefront. He is taken to instantiate the emergence of a distinctly modern understanding of the human condition and of politics, fostering a dramatic change in human self-understanding.
There is as well much debate about a crisis of modern Western civilization. This results in part from the destructiveness of the twentieth century, which called into question the belief in progress toward perpetual peace and prosperity. But there is also widespread concern for what may be called a spiritual crisis, a crisis of meaning, a fear that we do not know what the right order of society is or whether the West can any longer provide the model for the future of the world. We are aware of infinite variety which encourages cultural and moral relativism at the same time that that variety is defended as a source of the freedom for us to make up our own purposes and to pursue them.
But what then is the right use of our freedom thus understood? Freedom comes to be associated with creativity rather than with the effort to conform our character to the right order of things. Is right order simply whatever orders can establish themselves and prolong their historical presence? Do we mean to say that our purpose is to define our own purposes and then pursue them? Does this mean that outside of whatever commitments we may happen to make and establish as conventional wisdom, anything and everything is permitted? This is itself an ancient argument, well known to Plato (for example, in the Gorgias). But whereas Platos Socrates offers the possibility of resisting this argument, Machiavelli embraces it when he tells us in have is not to be judged by its conformity to a hypothetical transcendent order, but by its capacity to persist through time, reflecting the creative genius of those who brought it into being as a fortress against the chaotic and violent forces of nature.
One will see in the essays that follow differing responses to these and other issues the reader of Machiavelli must confront. Together these essays constitute a set of distinct voices in dialogue on Machiavellis legacy.
Harvey C. Mansfield, William R. Kenan Jr. Professor of Government at Harvard, is an internationally known translator of, and commentator on, Machiavellis thought. In Machiavellis Effectual Truth, he provides an excellent summary of the controversies in interpreting Machiavellis thought, and summarizes his own position within that controversy. In this respect, Mansfields essay provides most valuable guidance for the reader who wants to examine Machiavellis legacy. Beyond this, however, Mansfield presents a detailed account of Machiavellis criticism of the legacy of Greek philosophy and Christian thought. In doing so, he shows that Machiavelli intended to replace the dualistic legacy (the distinction between the divine and the human) of Greek and Christian thought with a vision of a unified field of experiencedistinguishing fact from imaginationwithin which he argued we must take our bearings. For Machiavelli, the human whole is all there is. To comprehend fully what is visible requires us to set aside the quest for what is invisible. As Mansfield points out, Machiavellis term effectual truth has been little studied. His essay elaborates on the magnitude of what Machiavelli meant by effectual truth. In doing so, he shows the deep divide between the ancient legacies and the Machiavellian legacy, a legacy that is realized in increasingly radical departures from what was once taken to be the perennial wisdom. Mansfield reminds us of what the ancient Greek and Christian legacies were (and are); he thus opens the way to a more profound assessment of the claims Machiavelli made to be in possession of the effectual truth, recognizing that there are competing legacies within the Western tradition. In light of the ravaging experiences of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, we are called upon to ask how effective this effectual truth has been.
Maurizio Viroli, professor of government at the University of Texas, in The Redeeming Prince, presents us with a very different Machiavelli. For him, Machiavelli has created the myth of a redeemer anticipating the unification of Italy, which came to pass only in the nineteenth century. In this view, the final chapter of
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