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Lawrence Freedman - The Revolution in Strategic Affairs

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Rapid developments in information technology and precision weaponry are said to herald a revolution in military affairs (RMA), making possible quick and decisive victories with minimal casualties and collateral damage. But has such a revolution taken place? The issues that drive conflict will persist, and many of the technical advances associated with the RMA will not necessarily produce a transformation in the nature of warfare. The end of the Cold War has highlighted another revolution one in political affairs. Major powers appear less likely to go to war with one another than they are to intervene in conflicts involving weak states, with potential opponents including militia groups, drug cartels and terrorists. RMA technology may be less suited to conflicts such as these.

If the cumulative effect of these changes has produced a revolution, it is a revolution in strategic, as much as military, affairs. This paper argues that:

  • the RMA is the practical expression of a Western Way of Warfare, the key features of which are: professional armed forces; intolerance of casualties; and intolerance of collateral damage
  • the key technological and conceptual components of the RMA were in place by the early 1970s. The trend has therefore been evolutionary, rather than revolutionary. The significant difference is in the new political setting of the end of the Cold War, and the revolution in perceptions of Western particularly US conventional military strength brought about by the Gulf War of 1991
  • the Gulf conflict could mark the start of a true revolution if future battles offer similar opportunities to exploit the RMAs technology. However, since the US and its allies appear unbeatable when fighting on their own terms, future opponents will fight differently
  • the West will therefore face opponents who will follow strategies that contradict the Western Way of Warfare. They will avoid pitched battles, will exploit the Wests reluctance to inflict civilian suffering, and will target their opponents domestic political base, as much as its forward troops.

The problem for the West is not how to prevail, but how to do so in an acceptable manner. The more warfare becomes entwined with civilian activity, the more difficult it is to respond with the type of decisive and overwhelming military means embodied in the RMA. The RMA does not create a situation in which information is the only commodity at stake, and so does not offer the prospect of a virtual war. The new circumstances and capabilities do not prescribe one strategy, but extend the range of strategies available. The issue underlying the RMA is the ability of Western countries, in particular the US, to follow a line geared to their own interests and capabilities.

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Lawrence Freedman The Revolution in Strategic Affairs Adelphi Paper 318 - photo 1
LawrenceFreedman
The Revolution in Strategic Affairs
Adelphi Paper 318
First published April 1998 by Oxford University Press for The International - photo 2
First published April 1998 by Oxford University Press for
The International Institute for Strategic Studies
23 Tavistock Street, London WC2E 7NQ
This reprint published by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
For the International Institute for Strategic Studies
23 Tavistock Street, London WC2E 7NQ
www.iiss.org
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
The International Institute for Strategic Studies 1998
Director John Chipman
Editor Gerald Segal
Assistant Editor Matthew Foley
Design and Production Mark Taylor
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. Within the UK, exceptions are allowed in respect of any fair dealing for the purpose of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, or in the case of reprographic reproduction in accordance with the terms of the licences issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside these terms and in other countries should be sent publisher.
This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data
ISBN 13: 978-0-19-922369-5 (pbk)
contents
Guide
After the end of the Cold War, the major Western states restructured their armed forces to take account of the sudden disappearance of the old threat and to meet the popular demand for a substantial 'peace dividend'. The cuts began before it was possible to get the measure of the post-Cold War world, which soon turned out to be a busier than expected place for armed forces. The restructuring process was combined with a number of military operations. These were widely spread around the world, including the Persian Gulf, the Balkans and Sub-Saharan Africa, and ranged from 'peace support' to armoured warfare.
The first round of cuts has now been made, and the peace dividend paid. Budgets and forces in the leading Western countries have been cut by anything from a third to a quarter of their Cold War size. Spending on procurement has fallen even more. Whether or not the new budgetary levels are sustainable, defence ministries are starting to pause for breath. They have an opportunity to think about the shape of armed forces over the longer term in the light of their experience of the 1990s.
The restructuring process has been drastic but not radical, with the essential features of the old order retained in the new. Land, sea and air are each the preserve of a distinctive service. Cooperation between the services, although no longer exceptional, is still thought a considerable achievement when it occurs. New equipment tends to improve on what has gone before and rarely represents a complete break with the past. As society has changed, so have the composition and culture of the forces, but there has been a lag. The same is true for organisational structures, which appear to be more hierarchical and rigid than those commonly found in the civilian sphere. To critics, this innate conservatism is intensely frustrating, out of line with the dynamic spirit of the times and out of touch with the likely character of future wars. It fails to grasp the full potential of what has come to be known as the 'revolution in military affairs' (RMA).
According to this revolution, a growing range of targets has become almost irredeemably exposed to attack by 'smart' weapons. The protection afforded by distance, size, terrain and weather has declined, a process accelerated through the application of information technology, here as elsewhere a dynamic and pervasive influence. As sensors and the means for data processing and its fusion and dissemination have improved, quite astonishingly so over the past decade, the full potential of weapons operating over long distances with precision guidance is closer to being realised. So extensive and constant are the flows of information that they can often only be tapped, rendered intelligible and acted upon by automatic processors. Human beings often seem barely to be involved: thev simply do not have the processing capacity to cope.
The issues raised by these developments are not primarily of feasibility With other ambitious ideas, such as President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), the question of whether aspirations had leaped far ahead of technology, or even the laws of physics, was unavoidable. Not so in this case. Although the demands on software development and systems integration might have been underestimated, modern weapons clearly have a high probability of hitting targets when sent in the right direction with the right coordinates at the right time.
'RMA' is the acronym of choice
The RMA may now have become the 'acronym of choice in the US armed forces', attaining that status whereby all new developments must be rationalised in its terms, even though their origins lie elsewhere and their effects may be contradictory.
Sceptics worry that the enthusiasts forget the harsher - and constant - features of war that will continue to validate some of the more embedded elements of doctrine, training and forms of command. Claims that the 'fog of war' is about to be dispelled and that information can now serve as an independent weapon of war are treated with special caution. Other critics go further, noting that the debate on the RMA is being conducted largely within the military establishment, and that the motivation behind its promotion may be to sustain traditional notions of warfare against alternatives, in which the fearfulness of 'total war' and the confusion of terrorism and guerrilla warfare remain prominent.
The term 'revolution in military affairs' was first coined in connection with historical debates over the major changes in warfare that occurred in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Later, it was used to refer to the impact of nuclear weapons. The term has advantages as a 'marketing device', dramatising issues by linking them to a sense of profound change, though at the risk of turning the idea of revolution into something hackneyed and without substance.
Revolution involves more than change, and certainly more than simply change of an incremental variety. It represents a moment of transformation. Such moments may not be appreciated until later historians study them; occasionally, they may be imagined in advance. With the RMA, as with most revolutions, there is confusion over whether it represents a stage in the historical process, or a vision that cannot be realised unless the visionaries seize the initiative. Will the revolution take place irrespective of efforts to help it on its way, or does it represent one set of objectives for policy which might be contradicted or qualified by others? As with political revolutions of the past, should this RMA be considered a single-step change, a movement to a new paradigm, or must it be a continuing process, a 'permanent revolution' that demands constant change? Can the revolution be confined to one country and still survive, or can it only take root if widely spread?
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