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Mogens Pelt - Military Intervention and a Crisis of Democracy in Turkey: The Menderes Era and its Demise

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Mogens Pelt Military Intervention and a Crisis of Democracy in Turkey: The Menderes Era and its Demise
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Adnan Menderes election to power in 1950 signalled a new epoch in the history of modern Turkey. For the first time a democratic government ruled the country, taking over Kemal Ataturks political heirs, the Peoples Republican Party (CHP), and challenging the Kemalist elites monopoly on the control of state institutions and society itself. However, this period was short-lived. In 1960, Turkeys army staged a coup detat and Menderes was hanged the following year. Here, Mogens Pelt beings by examining the era of the rule of the Democratic Party, and what led to its downfall. Among the chief accusations raised against Menderes by the army was that he had undermined the principles of the founder of modern Turkey, Ataturk, and that he had exploited religion for political purposes. Military Intervention and a Crisis Democracy in Turkey furthermore, and crucially, examines the legacy of the military intervention that brought this era of democratic rule to an end.
Although the armed forces officially returned power to the civilians in 1961, this intervention - indeed, this crisis of democracy - allowed the military to become a major player in Turkeys political process, weakening the role of elected politicians. The officer corps claimed that the army was the legal guardian of Kemalism, and that it had the right and duty to intervene again, if the circumstances proscribed it and when it deemed that the values of Ataturk were threatened. Indeed, these were precisely that ground on which the armed forces justified its coup detats of 1971 and 1980. This unique exploration of the Menderes period sheds new light on the shaping of post-war Turkey and will be vital for those researching the Turkish Republic, and the influence of the military in its destiny.

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Mogens Pelt is Associate Professor of International History at the Saxo Institute in the History Section at the University of Copenhagen. He has previously been a visiting fellow at the Department of Near Eastern Studies, Princeton University, Deputy-director at the Danish Institute at Athens, and is the author of Tying Greece to the West: American, West-German, Greek Relations, 19451974 (2006).
Published in 2014 by IBTauris Co Ltd 6 Salem Road London W2 4BU 175 Fifth - photo 1
Published in 2014 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd
6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010
www.ibtauris.com
Distributed in the United States and Canada
Exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010
Copyright 2014 Mogens Pelt
The right of Mogens Pelt to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by the author in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988.
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
Library of Modern Turkey 1
ISBN 978 1 84885 778 0
A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
A full CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress
Library of Congress catalog card: available
Typeset by Newgen Publishers, Chennai
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book would never have come to be if it were not for the many institutions and individuals who have supported me.
I am most grateful to the Carlsberg Foundation whose generous support enabled me to launch the project and turn it into the present book.
Further thanks go to the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Copenhagen, and to my own institution, the Saxo Institute, that have supported my work on a daily basis and never hesitated to offer me sabbaticals when I needed it.
I am most indebted to the Department of Near Eastern Studies, Princeton University and to the Program in Hellenic Studies, Princeton University for hosting me as a visiting follow and to the Stanley J. Seeger Hellenic Fund that made my last visit possible.
I owe particular thanks to Brady Kiesling who offered invaluable suggestions to revise the manuscript and to Isa Blumi for sharing his immense knowledge with me and for his support. Finally, my thanks go to my editor Maria Marsh who readily accepted my book proposal and made this book possible.
INTRODUCTION
On 17 September 1961, the military regime in Turkey hanged Adnan Menderes the countrys first elected prime minister. The day before, two of his close colleagues, the ministers of foreign affairs and finance, suffered the same fate. The sentences were meted out by a tribunal set up by the military following a coup dtat on 27 May 1960.
Among the chief accusations raised against Menderes was that he had infringed on Turkeys constitution by undermining the principles of the founder of modern Turkey, Kemal Atatrk, and had exploited religion for political purposes.
Menderes advent to power in 1950 marked a watershed in the history of the Turkish nation state: the old elites monopoly over state and society was seriously challenged when the new government took power from Atatrks political heirs, the Peoples Republican Party (CHP). The transition was the result of the first free elections held in Turkey. Menderes Democratic Party (DP) won a preponderant victory by mobilizing the peasants, the bulk of the population constituting about 80 per cent of all Turks, and Menderes triumphed on a ticket deliberately addressing a new commercial and industrial middle class who objected to the dominant doctrine of tatisme and those who had never really forgiven the CHP for the enforced secularism, namely religious leaders, artisans and small shopkeepers.
The latter attitude, in particular, was nurtured by the fact that only 25 years had passed since Atatrk had launched his sweeping campaign against Islamic institutions and the Ottoman order: he abolished the Caliphate, repressed the Sufi brotherhoods, certain aspects of Islamic tradition, attempted to erase the memory of Ottoman past and set in motion a series of reforms to Westernize state and society.
Menderes overwhelming success in the 1950 elections was repeated in 1954 and 1957. It was against this background, as well as because of a fear that he would use extreme political methods to extend his hold on the government into the 1960s, that relations with the CHP and its supporters deteriorated beyond repair. This, in turn, contributed to severe cleavages between the elites and finally to polarization that left Menderes facing opposition from the most powerful and prestigious institution in the country: the Turkish armed forces.
Although it is not quite clear when relations between the prime minister and the armed forces reached the point of no return, it stands as fact that on 27 May 1960, the military toppled Menderes in a coup dtat.
The armed forces intervention marked the end of a unique era in Turkeys history when governments for the first time were elected by popular vote and ruled without being subject to the control of non-elected institutions.
When handing over power to the politicians in the following year, 1961, the military made sure that it was transferred to the CHP, relying on Atatrks heir and former president, Ismet Inn, who would head the first post-coup government. The armed forces also supervised the enactment of a new constitution in 1961 that, in the words of the military regime, was meant to preclude abuses of civil power and guarantee against the danger of party oligarchy, in other words a repetition of DP-rule. In practical terms, these intentions were reflected in the creation of a second chamber of elected and appointed members, the senate, to counterbalance the elected national assembly and an independent constitutional court to ban legislation which it regarded as unconstitutional.
As a means to ensure its own continued influence in the political process, the army also created the National Security Council, which had a strong military representation and whose advice no civilian government dared to ignore.
In this way, the 1960 coup also inaugurated a new epoch, which would see the military as a major player in the political process and significantly weaken the role of the elected politicians.
The officer corps claimed that the army was the lawful guardian of Kemalism and had the right and duty to intervene again whenever it deemed the values of Atatrk and the spirit of his reforms to be in danger.
Although the Turkish officer corps had inherited a long Ottoman tradition of identifying state authority with military power and while it tended to see itself as a modernizing political force and a separate class in Turkish society, we should remember that, in the words of Robert Cover, for every constitution there is an epic. The self-proclaimed role of the armed forces as the guardian of Kemalism was intimately connected with the recent experiences from the Menderes era of free elections and independent government. In other words, it is primarily in the Menderes era that we shall expect to find the specific dynamics that prompted the 27 May coup and the self-proclaimed role of the officer corps as the guardian of Kemalism.
This perception did not come out of thin air, of course, and its genesis must be related to the activities of rising opposition to DP-rule in the one-party era elites. In the same way, the hanging of Menderes must also be seen as a final act in a process whose origin was verbal and took the shape of a systematic mode of framing Menderes as a threat to Kemalism.
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