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Turk McCleskey - The Road to Black Neds Forge: A Story of Race, Sex, and Trade on the Colonial American Frontier

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Turk McCleskey The Road to Black Neds Forge: A Story of Race, Sex, and Trade on the Colonial American Frontier
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In 1752 an enslaved Pennsylvania ironworker named Ned purchased his freedom and moved to Virginia on the upper James River. Taking the name Edward Tarr, he became the first free black landowner west of the Blue Ridge. Tarr established a blacksmith shop on the Great Wagon Road from Philadelphia to the Carolinas and helped found a Presbyterian congregation that exists to this day. Living with him was his white, Scottish wife, and in a twist that will surprise the modern reader, Tarrs neighbors accepted his interracial marriage. It was when a second white woman joined the household that some protested. Tarrs already dramatic story took a perilous turn when the predatory son of his last master, a Charleston merchant, abruptly entered his life in a fraudulent effort to reenslave him. His fate suddenly hinged on his neighbors, who were all that stood between Tarr and a return to the life of a slave.


This remarkable true story serves as a keyhole narrative, unlocking a new, more complex understanding of race relations on the American frontier. The vividly drawn portraits of Tarr and the women with whom he lived, along with a rich set of supporting characters in Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Virginia, provide fascinating insight into the journey from slavery to freedom, as well as the challenges of establishing frontier societies. The story also sheds light on the colonial merchant class, Indian warfare in southwest Virginia, and slaverys advent west of the Blue Ridge. Contradicting the popular view of settlers in southern Virginia as poor, violent, and transient, this book--with its pathbreaking research and gripping narrative--radically rewrites the history of the colonial backcountry, revealing it to be made up largely of close-knit, rigorously governed communities.

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The Road to Black Neds Forge
EARLY AMERICAN HISTORIES
Douglas Bradburn, John C. Coombs, and S. Max Edelson, Editors
The Road to Black Neds Forge
A Story of Race Sex and Trade on the Colonial American Frontier Turk - photo 1
A Story of Race, Sex, and Trade on the Colonial American Frontier
Turk McCleskey
University of Virginia Press 2014 by the Rector and Visitors of the University - photo 2
University of Virginia Press
2014 by the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
First published 2014
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
McCleskey, Turk, 1953
The road to Black Neds forge : a story of race, sex, and trade on the colonial American frontier / Turk McCleskey.
pages cm. (Early American histories)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8139-3582-9 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-8139-3583-6 (e-book)
1. Tarr, Edward, approximately 1711 2. Shute family. 3. FreedmenVirginiaAugusta CountyHistory18th century. 4. LandownersVirginiaAugusta CountyHistory18th century. 5. Frontier and pioneer lifeVirginiaAugusta County. 6. Augusta County (Va.)Race relationsHistory18th century. 7. Augusta County (Va.)CommerceHistory18th century. I. Title.
F232.A9M44 2014
305.8009755'916dc23
2013043815
Dedicated to my parents,
Clifton and Jo McCleskey
,
and
to the memory of my Marine Corps brother,
Charles Lewis Dragon ChuckArmstrong,
19482011
Contents
Illustrations
Figures
Maps
Appendix: Tables
INTRODUCTION
Opportunism and Mobility in Eastern North America
16801780
In the autumn of 1761, a hamlet surrounding Augusta Countys courthouse officially became Staunton, the westernmost town in colonial Virginia. By contemporary standards, it was a diminutive village in a vast frontier county, and residents faced a long road to any substantial town: 150 miles to Virginias capital in Williamsburg, 300 miles to Pennsylvanias capital in Philadelphia, over 400 miles to South Carolinas capital in Charleston. For Staunton resident Edward Tarr, however, Philadelphia and Charleston loomed claustrophobically close that fall.
On 6 October, Edward Tarr and a North Carolina white man named Hugh Montgomery stood before two justices of the peace in Staunton. Montgomery complained that he had purchased a Negro Man Named Edward Tarr from one Joseph Shute of Charleston, son of the late Thomas Shute, to whom the said Edward belonged to in the Province of Pensylvania. Tarr denied Montgomerys ownership claim, asserting instead that he had bought himself from Thomas Shutes executor and grandson, William Davis of Philadelphia.
As the magistrates weighed Montgomerys complaint, they reviewed more than a set of documents; they also explicitly considered their firsthand knowledge of Tarrs larger story. Tarr, they noted, has resided in this County for Ten years last past and is a Freeholder. The magistrates hesitated to enslave someone they had known for a decade as a free and economically independent man.
Throughout colonial Virginia, justices of the peace who considered private complaints outside of a county court session normally left their decisions unreported. Thus, to have a record of Tarrs confrontation with Montgomery is unusual, and for modern historians, the interpretation of that rare type of document poses some contextual challenges. Foremost is the task of understanding how the parties evaluated each other: the narratives on which Tarrs and Montgomerys contemporaries relied for daily orientationthe hundreds if not thousands of individual stories with which they routinely characterized and comprehended each othertoday are difficult even to sketch. Additionally, the scarcity of records about out-of-court resolutions of disputes over any sort of property, much less property in people, complicates comparisons of these participants to their contemporaries in other locales. And finally, the careers of everyone involvedTarr, Montgomery, the magistrates, and the Shutestranscended colonial boundaries. No single legal framework, unique religion, specialized economy, or common social values applied to all of them simultaneously or to any one of them over his whole lifetime. If anything, their most distinctive shared attribute was their mobility, their repeated traverses of long distances by land or sea.
Therein lies a second challenge. It can be puzzling to track kinetically mobile individuals from one township or county to the next, much less from one of Englands North American colonies to another. Part of that difficulty stems from variations in political organization and recordkeeping, but also occasionally individuals ricocheted unpredictably to new careers or places. The study of persons in motion requires observations of change over long periods of time, analyses of patterns that shifted from one generation to the next and the nextor from one socioeconomic context to its successors. Ideally, such observations should draw on an unbroken string of documents, but each additional year in a lengthening study-period increases the likelihood that war, fire, water, rodents, larceny, incompetence, or willful stupidity have prevailed over ink and paper.
The motives and effects of geographic mobility were particularly significant for yeoman families such as that of Thomas Shute, Edward Tarrs last master. Eighteenth-century English satirists like Tobias Smollett routinely depicted geographic mobility as a function of ravenous opportunism endemic to every social class. Characters in Smolletts The Adventures of Roderick Random, for example, predatorily prowled the English countryside, London, the European continent, and the high seas in search of new victims or to escape prosecution by previous conquests. Such odysseys appear to have been more than a novelists device: for many colonial Americans, they amounted to a lifestyle.
Mobility followed momentous choices; that, at least, is the lesson of Thomas Shute and his family. Shute arrived in Pennsylvania around 1680 as a teenager and, despite his servile origins, in time built an enviable yeoman prosperity. From what became a well-appointed home near the falls of the Schuylkill River, a few miles north of Philadelphia, Shute orchestrated far-flung investments in farms, mills, mines, quarries, Philadelphia real estate, and shipping. For decades he prospered, and he owed much of that material success to the labor of his seven children. They in turn seem to have owed something to him: almost all were in varying combinations irreligious, drunken, coercive, philandering, deceitful, conniving, derisive of civil authority, or financially irresponsible.
Probably Thomas Shute did not set out to incubate such a brood. He did, however, act deliberately and consistently in his own economic interest: the family that he and two wives produced eventually comprised the core of a well-integrated set of yeoman enterprises, securing for Shute a prosperous old age. Most of his children saw it in their economic interests to stay close to him in Pennsylvania and vie for portions of his estate. Only the youngest son, Joseph, went abroad.
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