• Complain

David Frost - Frost/Nixon

Here you can read online David Frost - Frost/Nixon full text of the book (entire story) in english for free. Download pdf and epub, get meaning, cover and reviews about this ebook. year: 1975, publisher: HarperCollins, genre: Detective and thriller. Description of the work, (preface) as well as reviews are available. Best literature library LitArk.com created for fans of good reading and offers a wide selection of genres:

Romance novel Science fiction Adventure Detective Science History Home and family Prose Art Politics Computer Non-fiction Religion Business Children Humor

Choose a favorite category and find really read worthwhile books. Enjoy immersion in the world of imagination, feel the emotions of the characters or learn something new for yourself, make an fascinating discovery.

David Frost Frost/Nixon

Frost/Nixon: summary, description and annotation

We offer to read an annotation, description, summary or preface (depends on what the author of the book "Frost/Nixon" wrote himself). If you haven't found the necessary information about the book — write in the comments, we will try to find it.

Amazon.com Review Following the resounding success of the eponymous West End and Broadway hit play, *Frost/Nixon* tells the extraordinary story of how Sir David Frost pursued and landed the biggest fish of his career--and how the series drew larger audiences than any news interview ever had in the United States, before being shown all over the world. This is Frosts absorbing story of his pursuit of Richard Nixon, and is no less revealing of his own toughness and pertinacity than of the ex-Presidents elusiveness. Frosts encounters with such figures as Swifty Lazar, Ron Ziegler, potential sponsors, and Nixon as negotiator are nothing short of hilarious, and his insight into the taping of the programs themselves is fascinating. *Frost/Nixon* provides the authoritative account of the only public trial that Nixon would ever have, and a revelation of the mans character as it appeared in the stress of eleven grueling sessions before the cameras. Including historical perspective and transcripts of the edited interviews, this is the story of Sir David Frosts quest to produce one of the most dramatic pieces of television ever broadcast, described by commentators at the time as a catharsis for the American people. **Questions for Sir David Frost** **Amazon.com:** It must have been an extraordinary experience when you went to see *Frost/Nixon* the play for the first time. How did it feel? **Frost:** It was indeed a unique experience. But after about 20 minutes, I stopped thinking of Michael Sheen as me and more as the Frost character. That was because I know and care about the underlying material so much and was concerned to see how that was depicted. When I interviewed Michael in December 2006, shortly after the Broadway production and the film had been announced, Michael said, Do you realise? Im going to be playing David Frost for the next year? Thats a coincidence, I said, so am I! **Amazon.com:** When the producers of *Frost/Nixon* came to you for permission to adapt these events from your life into a play, they asked for complete editorial control over the story, which you say you hesitated before granting. That same control, of course, was one of the crucial agreements with Richard Nixon that gave your interviews such drama and importance. What was it like to grant the producers the same open-ended permission that Nixon had once given you? **Frost:** You are quite right--the editorial control that we had during the Nixon Interviews was absolutely essential. Essential for ensuring that the most important material was all included, and essential for the credibility of the interviews. As I describe in the book, the moment that Nixons agent, Swifty Lazar, told me that his client had no problem with my having editorial control, that was a great relief, and indeed an extremely pleasant surprise. Swifty Lazar explained that Nixon was also aware of the need for the interviews to have complete credibility. Indeed during the interviews he went further and said that he regarded himself to be speaking under oath throughout the interviews. I suppose that the editorial control that I granted to Peter Morgan and Matthew Byam-Shaw for the play was somewhat different. I was in a sense giving them the right to fictionalise certain scenes--hopefully as few as possible--in the course of producing the play. There could never be any fictionalising in editing the Nixon Interviews because we were dealing solely with Nixons own words, spoken by him. **Amazon.com:** Why do you think Nixon thought it was in his interest to participate in a public interrogation he had little control over? **Frost:** Richard Nixon often referred to the power of television. When Jimmy Carter, who was President at the time the interviews were being taped, announced a fireside chat from the Oval Office, Nixon approved and said, Its the tube. Thats what matters. Its the tube. I think he hoped in this case that the tube would, in some way, exonerate him. The fact that I had not been on the nightly news every night of his Watergate ordeal may have made him think that I would be more independent or open-minded, and he may not have been wholly aware of some of the heavyweight interviews I had conducted in America and the UK. I think he was also in a state of some financial insecurity, not knowing for example how many of the people who were serving prison sentences for following his instructions might sue him when they were released. **Amazon.com:** Much of the drama of the interviews comes from this strange relationship at the heart of it: on one hand, you and Nixon were partners in producing this piece of televised theater, on the other you were adversaries, nearly prosecutor and defendant at times. Can you describe what it was like to negotiate that relationship in real time, once the interviews began? **Frost:** The tone of the relationship was affected by whatever the current topic of that days interview. On the first day of Watergate, we were indeed prosecutor and defendant, but when we were discussing the breakthrough to China, we were more like Johnson and Boswell. Once the arrangements were made and the interviews were underway, the arrangements faded into the background. **Amazon.com:** What role do you think the interviews played in Americas experience of Nixon and Watergate? Americans like trials--was it the trial of the president that we never had? **Frost:** Yes, I think it was. Many commentators wrote that they felt the interviews--and particularly Watergate--were the catharsis that Americans needed after the traumatic events of 1973 and 1974. A few months after the interviews, Richard Nixon would probably have said that he regretted undertaking them because he admitted so much more in his mea culpa than he had planned to. However, even for Nixon, there was probably a longer term benefit, namely that he could not have returned to New York and polite society if he had never faced up to these issues in a forum which he did not control. **Amazon.com:** Youve interviewed President Bush, as you have every president since Nixon. Could you imagine that he (and Vice President Cheney) would consider sitting down for such a series of retrospective interviews once they are out of office? If they sat down with you, what questions would you most want to ask them? **Frost:** I made a firm point with Nixon that he would not know any of the questions in advance, so Im scarcely likely to reveal the questions I would ask President Bush and Vice President Cheney more than a year ahead! **Amazon.com:** Is there one moment over any others that you particularly recall from the interviews? **Frost:**On the first day of the Watergate interviews, Nixon had admitted nothing--not even mistakes. That session was a disaster for him. On the second day, we made progress and he admitted to mistakes. However, he had to go a lot further. I said to him, Coming to the sheer substance--would you go further than mistakes? The word that seems not enough for people to understand. Well, what word would you express? It was the most heart-stopping response I have ever had in my life. I had spent hours cross-examining Richard Nixon. Now he wanted me to testify for him as well. Yet, unless I was able to frame with precision what it was we wanted to hear form him, the moment would be lost, never to be recaptured. As a symbolic gesture, I picked up my clipboard from my lap, and tossed it onto the floor beside my chair... As I tell in the book, I made my ad-lib statement of the three things that I felt the American people needed to hear, and the ensuing 20 minutes were the most intense I can ever remember as he addressed all three points in turn. Product Description Following the resounding success of the eponymous West End and Broadway hit play, *Frost/Nixon* tells the extraordinary story of how Sir David Frost pursued and landed the biggest fish of his careerand how the series drew larger audiences than any news interview ever had in the United States, before being shown all over the world. This is Frosts absorbing story of his pursuit of Richard Nixon, and is no less revealing of his own toughness and pertinacity than of the ex-Presidents elusiveness. Frosts encounters with such figures as Swifty Lazar, Ron Ziegler, potential sponsors, and Nixon as negotiator are nothing short of hilarious, and his insight into the taping of the programs themselves is fascinating. *Frost/Nixon* provides the authoritative account of the only public trial that Nixon would ever have, and a revelation of the mans character as it appeared in the stress of eleven grueling sessions before the cameras. Including historical perspective and transcripts of the edited interviews, this is the story of Sir David Frosts quest to produce one of the most dramatic pieces of television ever broadcast, described by commentators at the time as a catharsis for the American people.

David Frost: author's other books


Who wrote Frost/Nixon? Find out the surname, the name of the author of the book and a list of all author's works by series.

Frost/Nixon — read online for free the complete book (whole text) full work

Below is the text of the book, divided by pages. System saving the place of the last page read, allows you to conveniently read the book "Frost/Nixon" online for free, without having to search again every time where you left off. Put a bookmark, and you can go to the page where you finished reading at any time.

Light

Font size:

Reset

Interval:

Bookmark:

Make
Frost/Nixon

Behind the Scenes of
the Nixon Interviews

Sir David Frost
with Bob Zelnick

CONTENTS FrostNixon is a sequel to my earlier book on the Nixon - photo 1

CONTENTS

Frost/Nixon is a sequel to my earlier book on the Nixon interviews, I Gave Them a Sword, written in 1977. Wherever relevant, this book draws upon the resources of that earlier book, but thirty years later, there is more to talk aboutnot least the story of Nixon in retirement and an assessment of the Nixon presidency as seen from the vantage point of 2007 rather than 1977.

I have also included, for the first time, five transcripts from discrete parts of the interviewsnot only Watergate and Vietnam but also the Huston plan, Henry Kissinger, and Chile.

I hope you approve of the result.

W hile Watergate is only a part of this book, it is a very important part. I thought therefore that, as an introduction to younger readers and as a reminder to older readers, it might be helpful to summarize the salient facts about it before we begin.

WATERGATEWHY IT MATTERED

On the night of June 17, 1972, a security guard at the plush Watergate office and apartment complex alerted the Washington, D.C., police that burglars had entered the building and were apparently still on the premises. Responding quickly, the police encountered five men about the offices of the Democratic National Committee. They had come to repair a listening device placed weeks earlier on the phone of DNC National Chairman Lawrence OBrien. A second bug had been installed on the phone of a senior campaign official, Spencer Oliver.

What the police did not know, and what it would take weeks of investigation for them to find out, was that the five burglarsfour of them Cuban veterans of CIA operationswere being directed from a room at the Howard Johnson hotel across the street by a senior official of the Richard Nixon reelection campaign, G. Gordon Liddy, and by a White House consultant and career CIA veteran, E. Howard Hunt. Almost immediately the police and the FBI began trying to learn who had been involved in planning the burglary, while the White House began trying to prevent them from finding out. In short, the White House went into a cover-up mode with the clear intent of obstructing justice.

From the moment in March 1973 when one of the five initial Watergate burglars disclosed, in a letter to the presiding trial judge, that perjury had been committed to shield the criminal involvement of more senior officials of the Nixon administration, until August 9, 1974, when Nixon resigned the presidency in disgrace, Watergate became a U.S. cause clbre, a national obsession, or perhaps both. Many friends of the United States around the world thought we had taken leave of our senses. How could we show such disdain for the man who had brought us peace with honor in Vietnam, dtente and arms control agreements with the Soviet Union, and a big start toward normal relations with the Peoples Republic of China? What was Watergate other than the third-rate burglary contemptuously dismissed by Mr. Nixons press aide? Didnt the country know that Americas security was put at much greater risk by those who would cripple its leadership than by those engaged in a nasty but not altogether unprecedented political prank? It is fair to say that even today many Americans too young to have shared the experience of Watergate with their parents or grandparents might be posing the same questions.

There are several answers. First, there is nothing small or insignificant about a number of rather senior officials from the Nixon administration and campaign gathering in the office of the attorney general of the United States to discuss such political operations as wiretapping phones, planting office bugs, using prostitutes, and spreading outrageous lies. Such matters go to the integrity of the political process, no small matter in a democracy. Ringleader Howard Hunts White House safe, for example, contained forged cables designed to show that the martyred Democratic President John F. Kennedy knew in advance that those involved in a coup against South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem planned to kill him.

Second, in joining the cover-up early on, Nixon threatened to corrupt important agencies of government. Asking the CIA to pull the FBI off the investigation was no trivial exercise of politics as usual. It was instead the abuse of two of the nations most secret and important security agencies, which cannot afford to squander the public trust with which they have been invested.

Third, the Watergate investigation brought to light other abuses of power threatening the rights of Americans to be secure in their homes and offices, rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution. For example, in approving the Huston plan for burglaries without court warrants against those suspected of plotting violent or other illegal activities, Nixon was usurping the critical historical role of the judicial branch of government. From there it was a small step to burgle the office of the psychiatrist treating Daniel Ellsberg, the man who leaked the so-called Pentagon Papers chronicling the decisions that led to the massive U.S. intervention in Vietnam. Medical and psychiatric records are, of course, privileged and cannot be introduced into the public record without the patients consent.

Concerns generated by these presidential usurpations came dramatically home to U.S. citizens one October evening when Nixon ordered his attorney general to fire Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox when the latter refused to obey an order by the president to abandon his subpoena for Watergate conversations preserved by the White House taping system. The attorney general and his deputy both resigned rather than obey the presidential order. While the third in command executed the order, the national loss of support for Mr. Nixon had by then passed the point of no return, and he was forced by a Supreme Court decision to turn over the tapes. The tapes proved to be damning in both content and tone. Once they entered the public realm, few doubted that Nixon was through.

There is, of course, a lot more to be said about Watergate. Although coming off the heels of an unprecedented reelection victory, Nixon had long been known as a political gut fighter, who sought no quarter and provided none to his foes. Even so, had he chosen early on to dismantle his taping system and destroy the incriminating documents, he could certainly have escaped the serious threat of impeachment. That he failed to do so was probably a function of both political arrogance and bad advice.

Watergate also represented the high point for the role of the media as watchdog over the countrys democratic system, a role it had also played during the civil rights era and the disaster in Vietnam. The investigative reporters Robert Woodward and Carl Bernstein gained immortality in their profession for disclosing important details about the financial and political trails, details that kept the investigation alive whenbut for their workit would almost certainly have faltered.

Finally, Watergate taught Americans something about themselves, their respect for the rule of law, their willingness to rise above partisanship in common battle to defend the institutions of freedom. Looking back at Watergate a year after Nixon left office, one columnist gushingly recalled our moment of shared wonder and love of country. That may be overstating it a bit. Over the centuries Americans have shown some dubious political traits as well as noble ones. They have elected a Buchanan for every Lincoln, a Johnson (take your pick) for every Roosevelt (take your pick there, too). Watergate suggests, however, that while the United States may not be immune to the wiles of the political huckster, it remains tough prey for the would-be tyrant.

Next page
Light

Font size:

Reset

Interval:

Bookmark:

Make

Similar books «Frost/Nixon»

Look at similar books to Frost/Nixon. We have selected literature similar in name and meaning in the hope of providing readers with more options to find new, interesting, not yet read works.


Reviews about «Frost/Nixon»

Discussion, reviews of the book Frost/Nixon and just readers' own opinions. Leave your comments, write what you think about the work, its meaning or the main characters. Specify what exactly you liked and what you didn't like, and why you think so.