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Lawrence J. McCaffrey - The Irish Question: Two Centuries of Conflict

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The many dimensions of the Irish Question, 18001922, constituted the most emotion-laden problem in British politics, often to the detriment of other imperial interestsa Gordian knot only severed by the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922. In this volume Lawrence J. McCaffrey presents a coherent view of the evolution of Irish nationalism since 1800 and the impact of the Irish Question on British culture, politics, and institutions.

The emotional nexus of the Irish Question was the religious issue, but McCaffrey believes that nationalism emerged from the attempt of the Irish Protestant minority, supported by Britain, to maintain religious, political, economic, and social ascendancy over a deprived and resentful majority. Although British concessions to Irish agitation removed many grievancesgranting to Ireland virtual religious equality, along with substantial social, economic, and political reformsnationalism, often frustrated in its attempts to secure reform and freedom, assumed an increasingly rigid position. Nationalists were not willing to settle for less than self-government, and as constitutional methods failed to achieve this goal, violence seemed the only other alternative.

The bitter dissensions created by the Irish Question left permanent marks upon British politics and institutions. The efforts of two Prime Ministers, Peel and Gladstone, to resolve the conflict split their parties, thus contributing to political confusion and instability. But the Irish nationalistBritish Liberal alliance achieved improvement in the condition of Ireland and speeded advancement of democracy in Britain. And the attempt of British politicians to deal with the economic and social aspects of the Irish Question undermined laissez faire and encouraged the progress of the welfare state in both islands. On the other hand, the challenge of Irish nationalism sustained and stimulated the no-Popery roots of British nativism, making it an influential factor in politics until early in the twentieth century.

The Irish Question, McCaffrey believes, has particular relevance in our contemporary world of emerging nations, wars of liberation, and tensions between majorities and minorities. Ireland offers an early example of the dreams of cultural nationalists becoming realities and of the sobering fact that ideological revolutionaries often make poor practical politicians.

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The Irish Question The Irish Question Two Centuries of Conflict Second - photo 1
The Irish Question
The Irish Question
Two Centuries of Conflict
Second Edition
Lawrence J. McCaffrey
Copyright 1995 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the - photo 2
Copyright 1995 by The University Press of Kentucky
Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University.
All rights reserved.
Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky
663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008
www.kentuckypress.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
McCaffrey, Lawrence John, 1925
The Irish question: two centuries of conflict / Lawrence J. McCaffrey.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 0-8131-1928-6 (acid-free paper).ISBN 0-8131-0855-1 (acid-free paper).
1. IrelandPolitics and government19th century. 2. IrelandPolitics and government20th century. 3. Great BritainForeign relationsIreland. 4. IrelandForeign relationsGreat Britain. 5. NationalismIrelandHistory. 6. Home ruleIreland. 7. Irish question. I. Title.
DA950.M327 1996
941.508dc20 95-6860
ISBN-13: 978-0-8131-0855-1 (acid-free paper)
This book is printed on acid-free recycled paper meeting
the requirements of the American National Standard
for Permanence in Paper for Printed Library Materials.
The Irish Question Two Centuries of Conflict - image 3
Manufactured in the United States of America.
The Irish Question Two Centuries of Conflict - image 4
Member of the Association of
American University Presses
To
Joan
Contents
Preface
In the mid-1960s when I was teaching modern British history at Marquette University in Milwaukee, I noticed that although the Irish Question was one of the most important, and certainly the most divisive and defining, issue in nineteenth-century British politics, few textbooks gave it sufficient attention. To assist my own and other students in American colleges and universities in their understanding of the Irish dimension of modern British history I wrote The Irish Question, 1800-1922. Since the University Press of Kentucky published it in 1968, the crisis in Northern Ireland has revived the Irish Question as a major factor in Anglo-Irish relations and as a disturbing element in British life and politics. The massive expansion of Irish historiography since the original publication of The Irish Question is another good reason for taking a further look at the relationship between Ireland and Britain. Therefore, I was most happy to accept the invitation of the University Press of Kentucky to revise my original manuscript and to extend its narrative beyond the beginning of the Irish Free State.
In this new version of The Irish Question I do not use footnotes, but pay tribute to the research of the many scholars who contributed to my knowledge of Irish history in the Recommended Reading section of the book. In addition, I would like to thank the graduate students I have worked with over the years: Eileen Brewer, Michael Funcheon, Brian Griffin, Terrence La Rocca, Eileen McMahon, Michael Murphy, Kevin ONeill, Timothy Sarbaugh, Maryann Gialanella Valiulis, and Andrew Wilson, Loyola University of Chicago; Elizabeth S. Meloy, Northwestern University; Frank Biletz, University of Chicago; and Troy Davis, Marquette University. Their research and writing have affected my interpretation of Irish history in positive ways.
I also learned a great deal from associations and conversations with such close friends as Thomas N. Brown, Patrick Casey, Vincent Comerford, Thomas Cunningham, Joseph M. Curran, Thomas Flanagan, Thomas E. Hachey, Joseph M. Hernon Jr., T.W. Heyck, John Kelleher, Emmet Larkin, Sean Lucy, Ailfrid MacLochlainn, John A. Murphy, Maureen Murphy, Janet Nolan, Harold Orel, Ellen Skerrett, Mary Helen Thuente, and Alan Ward.
I owe a special debt of gratitude to my wife, Joan; children, Kevin, Sheila, and Patricia; their spouses, Jean Luft, Fernando Trigosa, and Bob Jacques; my grandchildren, Sean, Emily, Brian, Kathleen, and Alex; and my West Highland White Terrier friends, Andy and the late Fergus, for frequent morale boosts.
Much of this book is the result of my own research and writings on Irish nationalism, as indicated in the 1968 publication. In my discussion of the recent troubles in Northern Ireland, I borrowed from my Chicago Tribune essay of May 10, 1981, Crisis in Northern Ireland.
Introduction
In many ways a study of the experience of the British in Ireland and Irish reactions to their unwanted presence provides insights into our world of disappearing empires, emerging nations, cultural conflicts between affluent and underdeveloped countries, and ethnic and religious feuds within and between nations.
Traditional and popular versions of Irish history have traced the origins and attributed the success of Irish nationalism to the failure of Britain to react adequately or in a timely manner to the basic religious, political, economic, and social needs that created and encouraged opposition to the Union. They have described most British concessions to Irish demands as expedient measures designed to frustrate agitations before they became insurrections. According to this thesis, these hastily designed sops to Irish Catholic complaints were palliatives rather than remedies; their deficiencies created new and deepened old grievances, and, in the long run, antagonized rather than conciliated majority Irish opinion.
There can be little quarrel with the thesis that Irish nationalism owed much to British ignorance of and insensitivity toward conditions in Ireland and Irish points of view. Still, it is too easy to blame sectarian strife, economic exploitation, and the denial of political and cultural sovereignty in Ireland entirely on the inadequacies of British politicians. Even when viewed from a contemporary perspective the complexity of the Irish Question defies simple solutions, and in their attempt to respond to Irish discontent British leaders have been confronted with the limitations placed on political action by the party system; economic and political dogmas; cultural, religious, and class conflict in Ireland; and the pressures and prejudices of British public opinion.
At first glance the Irish Question appears to have been essentially religious - photo 5
At first glance the Irish Question appears to have been essentially religious in nature. Protestants controlling the Irish Parliament in 1800 accepted the Act of Union as a compact with coreligionists on the other side of the Irish Sea to maintain their privileged position. Although the Crown and the Tory party endorsed Protestant Ascendancy, the Catholic majority in Ireland refused to accept an apartheid policy that would condemn it to a permanent inferiority. But sectarianism in Ireland involves much more than theology.
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