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Anton Pelinka - Politics of the Lesser Evil: Leadership, Democracy, and Jaruzelskis Poland

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Anton Pelinka Politics of the Lesser Evil: Leadership, Democracy, and Jaruzelskis Poland
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In his pathbreaking book, Leadership, James MacGregor Burns defines a kind of leadership with an indistinguishable personal impact on society. He calls this transformal leadership, and sees it as more than routine and calculable responses to demands. In fact, he argues, the more stable a liberal democracy, the less freedom of action for transformal leadership. Anton Pelinka uses a wellspring of historical fact to argue that politics always means having to choose between the lesser of two evils and that democracy reduces any possibility of personal leadership.

According to Pelinka, Jaruzelskis politics of democratization in Poland in the 1980s (which led to the first free and competitive elections in a communist system) illustrate personal leadership hampered by democracy. Jaruzelski initiated the roundtable process that transformed Poland into a democracy; yet, this process ultimately ended with his abdication. Pelinka further emphasizes contradictions between transformal leadership and democracy by comparing the leadership styles of Hitler, Stalin, and Mao. He de-.scribes collaboration, resistance, and tensions between domestic and international leadership, using the American examples of Presidents Wilson, Roosevelt, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon and the European examples of Petain and Churchill. Pelinka then turns to the tragic fate of the Judenrate under the Nazi regime to illustrate the lesser-evil approach. He closes with a discussion of moral leadership and how abstaining from office, just as Gandhi and King did, may be particularly suited to stable democracies.

Pelinkas unique use of rich empirical evidence from twentieth-century history is this volumes hallmark. He is critical of mainstream political theory and its neglect of deviant examples of democracies--such as Switzerland, Italy, and Japan, where there is traditionally much less emphasis placed on leadership. Pelinkas noteworthy study will be essential reading for political scientists and theorists, political philosophers and political sociologists with special interest in political ethics, and contemporary historians.

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POLITICS OF
THE LESSER
EVIL
First published 1999 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1999 by Taylor & Francis
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 97-51254
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Pelinka, Anton, 1941
Politics of the lesser evil : leadership, democracy, and
Jaruzelskis Poland / Anton Pelinka.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 1-56000-367-7 (acid-free paper)
1. Jaruzelski, W. (Wojciech) 2. Democracy. 3. Leadership.
4. PolandPolitics and government1980-1989. I. Title.
DK4435.J37P454 1998
943.805'6'92dc21 97-51254
CIP
ISBN 13: 978-1-56000-367-0 (hbk)
The German edition of this book appeared in 1996: Jaruzelski oder die Politik des kleineren bels: Zur Vereinbarkeit von Demokratie und leadership (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang Verlag). Since that time, the debate over the role of General Jaruzelski has continued. In Poland this debate has the character of a political fight. After its victory in the election of 1993, the leftist majority of the Sejm had ended the parliamentary investigation into Jaruzelskis behavior during the period of martial law. Legal investigations into the Generals role in the crackdown on the strike movements in 1970, among other things, came to nothing. The question of whether or not a military invasion of the Red Army was imminent remains unanswered. What is certain is that there was no direct threat from Moscow. It is just as certain that the possibility of a Soviet intervention was a threat to be reckoned with.
Jaruzelskis position in 1981 will continue to be the subject of controversy both in Poland and outside that country. Yet the role Jaruzelski played within the framework of Gorbachevs policies beginning in 1985 has met with increasing interest in scholarly analysis. Jaruzelskis decision to allow the first free elections in a state of the Warsaw Pact accelerated the reforms that ultimately led to the end of the Soviet-type systems in Europe, to German unification and to the collapse of the Warsaw Pact and of the Soviet Union (Zelikow, Rice 1995, 70, 88; Mater 1997, 124, 182-185). The round table conferences between Jaruzelski and Solidarity became the lever for western, liberal democracy. With that, General Jaruzelskis Poland became the model for the transition of political systems.
The task of this book is not to deliver a final judgment on Wojciech Jaruzelski. Jaruzelski serves as a model, as an interesting case study that clarifies the essence of leadership, particularly the tendency toward the incompatibility of leadership and democracy. Jaruzelskis status as an individual who will remain controversial only serves to emphasize the paradigmatic character of his behavior.
I thank Irving Louis Horowitz for including this book in the publishing program of Transaction Press. I thank Rene Schell for translating the text from German into English and for her spirit of cooperation. I thank Ellen Palli for her fine technical preparation of the English text.
Anton Pelinka Innsbruck March 1998
This is a book about Wojciech Jaruzelski, about the role that he played in 1981 and about the role that was played to him in 1989. But these observations are not only and not even primarily intended as an historical representation. Rather, the person of the Polish General, Prime Minister, Party Secretary and President serves as an example of what it means to have to undertake political decision-making, with consequences for a society, for a people, indeed, for world peace. Jaruzelski had to make decisions under non-democratic circumstances. Jaruzelski will be treated here as a case study.
Wojciech Jaruzelski is a fascinating figure in part because, at first, he does not fascinate. He is the only General-Dictator produced by the communist world, a Leninist Bonaparte who nevertheless does not correspond to the expectations one might have for such a figure. He was not so much a social climber as a social dropout from an aristocratic family. His socialization was, as a matter of course, Catholic and nationalistic. He was more the type of a turncoat from the ranks of the ancien rgime. The messages he promulgated as minister, head of government, party leader and head of state had nothing electrifying about them. He proclaimed no ideology; his words mobilized no emotion. His message was always duty and fulfillment of duty. And, indeed, his career was largely one that was foisted upon him most often he declined the offers made to him. To be sure, he turned down these offers only in order to yield to the demands of others that it was his duty to be minister or party leader. The rank of marshal was the only one he had successfully turned down time and again, for here, probably no one could have convinced him that this had anything to do with duty. Besides, the image of another marshal would have been overwhelming that of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski, who cast an ambivalent shadow over all of modern Poland. (Rosenberg 1995; 125, 177).
The figure of the man in dark glasses with the stiff, military bearing and ascetic personal lifestyle does not invite populist identifications. Jaruzelski is most certainly not the leader onto whom the expectations and longings of the masses can be projected. His dictatorship has often been described as socialism without a face, in critical distinction from the socialism with a human face promised by the Spring of Prague. Jaruzelski stands for no inspiring ideas, no mobilizing message.
This book will discuss and explore the decisive question for any systematic evaluation of Jaruzelski, that is, whether or not the imposition of martial law was really, as Jaruzelski himself claimed, the only means by which to avoid a Soviet invasion. This question is the point of departure for the actual topic: the compatibility of leadership and democracy. This question leads to the central theses of this book:
  • Thesis I: that political leadership always means having to choose the lesser of several identifiable evils;
  • Thesis II: that the inner logic of democracy leads to the narrowing and, ultimately, to the destruction of the playing field of political leadership.
This book is thus a book on the compatibility of democracy and political leadership. In this context, the term leadership will be preferred to the German term Fhrung for one reason, in accordance with the international discussion of political science: Leadership is accepted as a neutral term in the general scientific debate, even in the sense of a nonideological theoretical discourse. Fhrung, on the other hand, carries the strong connotation of a variant of elitist theory bearing a positive valence in fascism, including the National Socialist principle of the Fhrer.
Yet if Fhrung in the sense of leadership is inextricably connected with politics, then any tension that is claimed to exist between democracy and leadership must also include a tension between democracy and politics per se; then the entry into democracy is the beginning of the departure from politics.
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