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Robert Forczyk - Where the Iron Crosses Grow

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Robert Forczyk Where the Iron Crosses Grow
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    Where the Iron Crosses Grow
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Nazi and Soviet armies fought over the Crimean Peninsula for three long years using sieges, dozens of amphibious landings, and large scale maneuvers. This definitive English-language work on the savage battle for the Crimea, sheds new light on this vital aspect of the Eastern Front. The Crimea was one of the crucibles of the war on the Eastern Front, where first a Soviet and then a German army were surrounded, fought desperate battles and were eventually destroyed. The fighting in the region was unusual for the Eastern Front in many ways, in that naval supply, amphibious landings and naval evacuation played major roles, while both sides were also conducting ethnic cleansing as part of their strategy the Germans eliminating the Jews and the Soviets to purging the region of Tartars. From 1941, when the first Soviets first created the Sevastopol fortified region, the Crimea was a focal point of the war in the East. German forces under the noted commander Manstein conquered the area in 194142, which was followed by two years of brutal colonization and occupation before the Soviet counteroffensive in 1944 destroyed the German 17th Army. [Contain tables.]

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Robert Forczyk

WHERE THE IRON CROSSES GROW

THE CRIMEA 194144 Foreword There is a distant and arid peninsula surrounded - photo 1

THE CRIMEA 194144

Foreword

There is a distant and arid peninsula, surrounded by a dark and brooding sea, where armies and fleets traditionally came to die, like wounded animals. Beneath the surface of this soil lies fragments of the legions of Hitler and Stalin, as well as the civilians they murdered. Bits of bone, perhaps part of a jawbone or teeth, a bent German identity disk, or a moldy Soviet belt buckle, and plenty of rusty bullet casings this is all that remains of their erstwhile martial glory in the Crimea. Here and there, the land above is still scarred with trenches or antitank ditches or a shard of barbed wire, as well as the ubiquitous shattered concrete bunkers monuments to mans efforts to deny the inevitable. This was the land where Iron Crosses grew and Red Stars were handed out by the boxful, where reputations were made, or lost, in a matter of hours. These generations had no Tennyson or Tolstoy to note their heroics and sacrifices, just endless lists of awards and casualties, which were then lost.

It is also a place, perhaps unique in modern warfare, where a vicious ethnic and political cleansing was carried out by both opposing sides under the guise of wartime security measures. Warfare in the Crimea was not just about the contest between opposing armies and fleets, but about remaking the human geography with a vengeance. This was a place where opposing views of a better future for their people were implemented by secret policemen armed with submachine guns and unfettered authority. It is a place where horrible crimes were covered up, so as not to tarnish the official version of history. This work is a step toward exposing the long-suppressed truth that the Nazi and Soviet regimes were not so far apart, in terms of behavior, methods, and objectives. To be sure, there were brave and extraordinary soldiers on both sides, but it is a sad truth of military history that some of the most remarkable warriors have fought for some very shabby causes. It is even more remarkable that the tragic events in the Crimea are not confined to distant memory, but are being repeated in the current era, as Russian troops have once again invaded this region in order to aggrandize the notion of a New Russia.

The military history of the Crimean Peninsula, which stretches back to ancient times, has been shaped by its unique geography. A natural fortress surrounded by water, the Crimea has long been regarded as a place where inferior military forces could create an impregnable bastion to hold off larger enemy armies. Attackers have always had limited options for gaining access into the Crimea, and the traditional route through the narrow Perekop Isthmus has been a tough nut to crack, irrespective of weapons technology. Yet the Crimea has also proven to be a cul-de-sac, where trapped armies were forced to fight a last stand or evacuate by sea. The degree that friendly naval forces could operate along the Black Sea littoral has ultimately determined the ability of both attackers and defenders to achieve decisive results in the Crimea.

While the Crimea was regarded as a Russian Riviera since the time of Catherine the Great, it was the creation of a naval base at Sevastopol that brought real strategic value to the Crimea. During the 20th century there were no less than five military campaigns in the Crimea, all of which bear striking similarities. Two of these campaigns, the German invasion of the Crimea in 194142 and the Soviet invasion of 194344, were major operations but are virtually unknown in the English-language historiography of World War II. Fighting in the Crimea was intense and often desperate, creating heroes on both sides, but their stories are largely forgotten. This book intends to correct that omission, as well as providing historical context for the current Russian military operations in the Crimea. The military history of the Crimea over the past two centuries is exceedingly complex, but presents a rich tapestry of patriots, opportunists, professional soldiers and sailors and not a few villains, all vying for control of this prestigious region, but each in turn facing victory, followed by frustration and defeat.

Prologue

The Russians were drawn to the Crimea by Tatar raiding, which had swept far and wide across southern Russia since the early 16th century. The Tatars were warlike descendents of the Mongol Golden Horde and closely allied with the Ottoman Empire; they were skillful light cavalrymen and for centuries their economy in the Crimea was based upon the sale of pillaged goods and of Russian captives into slavery. The Crimean city of Caffa (later Feodosiya), became the center of a lucrative slave trade with the Ottoman Empire. In 1571, a large army of Crimean Tatars even raided Moscow and burned much of Tsar Ivan the Terribles capital, then took thousands of prisoners back with them. The Crimean Tatars, who held a position of military advantage, also demanded tribute from Ivan the Terrible and were intent upon seizing more Russian land. Although Ivan the Terribles army inflicted a severe defeat upon the Crimean Tatars just 40 miles south of Moscow in 1572, this was only a temporary reverse, and Tatar raiders continued to threaten the outskirts of Moscow for another 60 years.

The remote Crimean Peninsula was a natural fortress for Tatar raiding forces, since the only practical invasion route was through the narrow neck of the Perekop Isthmus, just 5 miles wide. The Crimean Tatars used their plentiful slave labor to build a large fort at Perekop, then supplemented it with a wall across the Perekop Isthmus and dug a 72ft wide and 39ft deep moat in front of it. It was a very strong defensive position, supported by artillery and several forts. Furthermore, the area around the Perekop Isthmus was treeless and devoid of fresh water, which made it difficult for an attacking force to remain long enough to mount a deliberate attack. There were two other lesser land routes into the Crimea, but each was fraught with difficulty. East of Perekop, the Sivash was a shallow, marshy area that was not really sea or land. It could be crossed at two locations at the even narrower Chongar Peninsula, just half a mile wide, or the 75-mile long Arabat Spit, which was little more than a sandbar. Both routes were easily blocked by small forces; the Tatars built fieldworks at Chongar and a large stone fort to block the southern end of the Arabat Spit. In military terms, the only practical alternative to an assault on the Perekop Isthmus was to land at Kerch, on the eastern end of the Crimea, but Ottoman naval superiority on the Black Sea made this infeasible for two centuries.

Russia, devastated by famine that eliminated nearly one-third of its population during 160103, could not immediately respond to aggression from the Crimean Tatars. It was not until May 1689 that Prince Vasily Golitsyn was able to approach Perekop with an army of 117,000 Russian soldiers and plenty of artillery. However, Russian armies lacked the logistical support to operate in such remote, inhospitable terrain, and Golitsyn was compelled to fall back empty-handed. The Tatar Khan reoccupied the position at Perekop but another Russian army led by the Irish-born Count Peter Lacy outwitted them again by crossing the Sivash in June 1737 and defeating the outflanked Tatar army. Lacy had discovered an important point about the odd terrain of the Crimea that under the right conditions of wind and tide, the Sivash was briefly fordable. After these defeats, the military power of the Crimean Khanate fell into sharp decline.

A period of peace followed, but in 1771 conflict was resumed and Prince Vasily Dolgorukov, now a general, returned to Perekop at the head of a powerful army. Tatar resistance was much weaker than before and Dolgorukov easily stormed the Perekop fort on July 10, 1771. Once the defenses at Perekop were breached, the Khan fled to Constantinople and much of his army evaporated. Prince Dolgorukov overran the Crimea in a month, although Tatar survivors retreated into the mountains on the southern coast. He was awarded a title recognizing him as conqueror of the Crimea.

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