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Terence P. Thornberry - Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency

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Terence P. Thornberry Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency

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In Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency, Terence P. Thornberry and his contributors show that criminal behavior is not a static human attribute, but ebbs and flows over the life course of the individual. Criminal behavior tends to follow a distinct psychological pattern. It is relatively uncommon during childhood, is initiated by most offenders during adolescence, flourishes during late adolescence and early childhood, and usually diminishes or disappears by the mid-twenties. This pattern is not characteristic of all people--some never commit crimes and others become career criminals--but it is a general description of the developmental pattern of criminal offenders. This pattern has profound implications for theories of crime and delinquency. Not only does it explain initiation into, maintenance of, and desistance from involvement in crime, it offers insight into why crime flourishes during adolescence. Traditional theories of crime and delinquency have often failed to distinguish among different phases of criminal careers. They tend to ignore developmental changes that occur across a persons life course, changes that coincide with and can explain the causes and patterns of criminal behavior. This paperback edition of the seventh volume of the distinguished series Advances in Criminological Theory moves us from static identifications of the criminal by presenting a broad range of developmental explanations of crime. Each contributor articulates a developmental or life course perspective in explaining how people become involved in delinquency and crime. Each covers a wide range of theoretical territory and reveals how a developmental perspective enhances the explanatory power of traditional theories of crime and delinquency. This volume is an invaluable tool for criminologists, sociologists, psychologists, and other professionals seeking to teach how crime and violence can be understood in our culture.

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Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency
EDITORS
Freda Adler
Rutgers University
William S. Laufer
University of Pennsylvania
EDITORIAL BOARD
Advances in Criminological Theroy
Robert Agnew
Emory University
Ko-Lin Chin
Rutgers University
Albert K. Cohen
University of Connecticut
Francis T. Cullen
University of Cincinnati
Simon Dinitz
Ohio State University
Delbert Elliott
University of Colorado
David Farrington
Cambridge University
James O. Finckenauer
Rutgers University
John Laub
University of Maryland
William S. Laufer
University of Pennsylvania
Joan McCord
Temple University
Terrie E. Moffit
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Gerhard O. W. Mueller
Rutgers University
Joan Petersillia
University of California-Irvine
Robert J. Sampson
University of Chicago
Kip Schlegel
Indiana University
Lawrence Sherman
University of Pennsylvania
David Weisburd
Herbrew University
Elmar Weitekamp
University of Tubingen
William Julius Wilson
Harvard University
Advances in Criminological Theory, Volume Seven
Developmental Theories of Crime and Delinquency
Terence P. Thornberry, editor
First published 1997 by Transaction Publishers Published 2017 by Routledge 2 - photo 1
First published 1997 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN,
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1997 by Taylor & Francis
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
ISSN: 0894-2366
ISBN 13: 978-0-7658-0830-1 (pbk)
Editor's Note
The contributions to the first six volumes of Advances in Criminological Theory have generated lively discussion and comment. These comments themselves are contributing to the advance of criminological theory. There is one comment in this volume. The editors invite others to contribute to this series. Comments need not be in article form. Brief notes are equally welcome.
Contents
Terence P. Thornberry
Terrie E. Moffitt
Rand D. Conger and Ronald L. Simons
Robert Agnew
Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub
Ross L. Matsueda and Karen Heimer
Marc Le Blanc
John Hagan
Kenneth Adams
Gary F. Jensen
Terence P.Thornberry
A developmental perspective implies that changes in social behavior are related to age in an orderly way.
Gerald Patterson (1993)
One of the most stable empirical findings to emerge from decades of criminological research is the relationship between age and crime. Criminal behavior is relatively uncommon during childhood, even though many youngsters exhibit precursor behaviors during this developmental stage. The onset of actual delinquent and criminal behavior increases rapidly during late childhood and early adolescence, roughly from the ages of ten through fourteen. The prevalence of criminal involvement reaches a peak during middle to late adolescence, at about ages sixteen and seventeen. Following that peak, there is a rapid decline in offending, with criminal behavior tapering off by the early twenties for most offenders. Although there are some historical variations in this pattern (e.g., Greenberg 1985), an impressive number of studies have observed an age-crime curve that generally fits the pattern just described (e.g., Blumstein et al. 1986; Elliott et al. 1983; Farrington 1986; Wolfgang et al. 1987).
These data strongly suggest the utility of adopting a developmental perspective in the study of the causes of criminal behavior. That is, criminological research routinely observes changes in a social behaviordelinquency and crimethat are related to age in an orderly way. Despite the uniformity and strength of this observation, traditional criminological theory has been remarkably nondevelopmental in orientation. Most theories, especially those that derive from sociological perspectives, pay relatively little attention to developmental or life-course issues and present rather static explanations for criminal behavior. This state of affairs is unfortunate for several reasons.
First, nondevelopmental perspectives fail to identify and offer explanations for a number of interesting and important dimensions of criminal behavior. These dimensions include prevalence, age of onset of offending, duration of careers, escalation and de-escalation of criminal behavior in terms of both frequency and seriousness, and desistance from criminal involvement. Explaining each of these dimensions is an important theoretical issue in its own right and there is no a priori reason to expect that an explanation for one of these attributes provides an explanation for any of the other attributes, let alone for all of them, that is, for delinquency. Theoretical explanations for prevalencethe separation of delinquents from nondelinquentsmay be quite different from explanations for escalationwhy one offender changes from less serious to more serious offending patterns while another offender fails to do so. The difference relates, among other things, to the reduction in variability within offender populations as compared to the variability between offenders and nonoffenders (Blumstein et al. 1986). Similarly, the factors that account for desistance may be quite different from the ones that explain onset or maintenance and we cannot assume that the causes of desistance from delinquency are simply the mirror images of the causes of the initiation of delinquency.
Second, while nondevelopmental perspectives examine different causal structures for certain types of offendersfor example, violent versus nonviolent offendersthey fail to identify types of offenders based on developmental considerations. Recently, several researchers (Patterson et al. 1991; Moffitt 1993; Simons et al. 1994) have argued that the overall delinquent population contains two fundamentally different types of offenders. One type, alternately called early starters or life-course-persistent offenders, begins offending early and exhibits great stability in offending patterns over long portions of the life-course. The other type, alternately called late starters or adolescent-limited offenders, has both a late onset and an early termination of their delinquent careers. These researchers argue that there are different causal explanations for the behaviors of these different types of offenders. If this is true, and it is by no means certain that it is, then failure to distinguish between these types has serious deleterious consequences for theory construction and testing. Theoretical models would presumably contain a mushy combination of two somewhat different causal processes, one for early starters and one for late starters. Results of empirical studies would run the risk of underestimating true causal effects because relationships would be estimated for a combination of early and late starters, even though the theoretical proposition may only apply to one type or the other.
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