Jane Addams - Women of the Suffrage Movement: Memoirs & Biographies of the Most Influential Suffragettes: Including 6 Volume History of Womens Suffrage
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Women of the Suffrage Movement: Memoirs & Biographies of the Most Influential Suffragettes: Including 6 Volume History of Womens Suffrage: summary, description and annotation
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This meticulously edited collection presents the most prominent figures of the Womens suffrage movement in the United States of America and the United Kingdom: Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Emmeline Pankhurst, Anna Howard Shaw, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Jane Addams, Lucy Stone, Carrie Chapman Catt, Alice Paul.
This edition includes as well the complete 6 volume history of the movement - from its beginnings through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which enfranchised women in the U.S. in 1920.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815-1902) was an American suffragist, social activist, abolitionist, and leading figure of the early womens rights movement.
Susan Brownell Anthony (1820-1906) was an American social reformer and womens rights activist who played a pivotal role in the womens suffrage movement.
Emmeline Pankhurst (1858-1928) was a British political activist and leader of the British suffragette movement who helped women win the right to vote.
Anna Howard Shaw (1847-1919) was a leader of the womens suffrage movement in the United States. She was also a physician and one of the first ordained female Methodist ministers in the United States.
Dame Millicent Garrett Fawcett (1847-1929) was a British feminist, intellectual, political and union leader, and writer.
Jane Addams (1860-1935), known as the mother of social work, was a pioneer American settlement activist, public philosopher, sociologist, protestor, author, and leader in womens suffrage and world peace.
Lucy Stone (1818-1893) was a prominent U.S. orator, abolitionist, and suffragist, and a vocal advocate and organizer promoting rights for women.
Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947) was an American womens suffrage leader who campaigned for the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which gave U.S. women the right to vote in 1920.
Alice Stokes Paul (1885-1977) was an American suffragist, feminist, and womens rights activist.
This edition includes as well the complete 6 volume history of the movement - from its beginnings through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which enfranchised women in the U.S. in 1920.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815-1902) was an American suffragist, social activist, abolitionist, and leading figure of the early womens rights movement.
Susan Brownell Anthony (1820-1906) was an American social reformer and womens rights activist who played a pivotal role in the womens suffrage movement.
Emmeline Pankhurst (1858-1928) was a British political activist and leader of the British suffragette movement who helped women win the right to vote.
Anna Howard Shaw (1847-1919) was a leader of the womens suffrage movement in the United States. She was also a physician and one of the first ordained female Methodist ministers in the United States.
Dame Millicent Garrett Fawcett (1847-1929) was a British feminist, intellectual, political and union leader, and writer.
Jane Addams (1860-1935), known as the mother of social work, was a pioneer American settlement activist, public philosopher, sociologist, protestor, author, and leader in womens suffrage and world peace.
Lucy Stone (1818-1893) was a prominent U.S. orator, abolitionist, and suffragist, and a vocal advocate and organizer promoting rights for women.
Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947) was an American womens suffrage leader who campaigned for the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which gave U.S. women the right to vote in 1920.
Alice Stokes Paul (1885-1977) was an American suffragist, feminist, and womens rights activist.
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Jane Addams
Jane Addams
Larry A. Van Meter
Jill Keppeler
Ellen Carol DuBois
Carrie Chapman Catt
Sally Roesch Wagner
Winifred Conkling
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WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE: A SHORT HISTORY OF A GREAT MOVEMENT
WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE
A SHORT HISTORY OF A GREAT MOVEMENT
By MILLICENT GARRETT FAWCETT, LL.D.
PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL UNION OF WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE SOCIETIES
LONDON: T. C. & E. C. JACK
67 LONG ACRE, W.C., AND EDINBURGH
NEW YORK: THE DODGE PUBLISHING CO.
67 LONG ACRE, W.C., AND EDINBURGH
NEW YORK: THE DODGE PUBLISHING CO.
It is not to be thought of that the flood
Of British freedom, which to the open sea
Of the world's praise, from dark antiquity
Hath flowed "with pomp of waters unwithstood"
Road by which all might come and go that would,
And bear out freights of worth to foreign lands;
That this most famous stream in bogs and sands
Should perish, and to evil and to good
Be lost for ever. In our halls is hung
Armoury of the invincible knights of old:
We must be free or die, who speak the tongue
That Shakespeare spakethe faith and morals hold
Which Milton held. In everything we're sprung
Of earth's first blood, have titles manifold.
W. Wordsworth.
WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE
CHAPTER I
THE BEGINNINGS
THE BEGINNINGS
We suffragists have no cause to be ashamed of the founders of our movement
"In everything we're sprung
Of earth's first blood, have titles manifold."
Mary Wollstonecraft and the heroic group of anti-slavery agitators in the United States. It is true that Horace Walpole called Mary Wollstonecraft "a hyena in petticoats." But this proves nothing except his profound ignorance of her character and aims. Have we not in our own time heard the ladies who first joined the Primrose League described by an excited politician as "filthy witches"? The epithet of course was as totally removed from any relation to the facts as that which Horace Walpole applied to Mary Wollstonecraft. William Godwin's touching memoir of his wife, Mr. Kegan Paul's William Godwin: his Friends and Contemporaries, and Mrs. Pennell's Biography show Mary Wollstonecraft as a woman of exceptionally pure and exalted character. Her sharp wits had been sharpened by every sort of personal misfortune; they enabled her to pierce through all shams and pretences, but they never caused her to lower her high sense of duty; they never embittered her or caused her to waver in her allegiance to the pieties of domestic life. Her husband wrote of her soon after her death, "She was a worshipper of domestic life." If there is anything in appearance, her face in the picture in the National Portrait Gallery speaks for her. Southey wrote of her, that of all the lions of the day whom he had seen "her face was the best, infinitely the best."
The torch which was lighted by Mary Wollstonecraft was never afterwards extinguished; there are glimpses of its light in the poems of her son-in-law Shelley. The frequent references to the principle of equality between men and women in the "Revolt of Islam" will occur to every reader.
In 1810 Sydney Smith, in the Edinburgh Review, wrote one of the most brilliant and witty articles which even he ever penned in defence of an extension of the means of a sound education to women.
In 1813 Mrs. Elizabeth Fry began to visit prisoners in Newgate, and shocked those who, citing the parrot cry "woman's place is home," thought a good woman had no duties outside its walls. She had children of her own, but this did not shut her heart to the wretched waifs for whom she founded a school in prison. A little after this England began to be stirred by the agitation which resulted in the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832. It is one of life's little ironies that James Mill, the founder of the Philosophical Radicals, and the father of John Stuart Mill, who laid the foundation of the modern suffrage movement, was among those who, in the early nineteenth century, justified the exclusion of women from all political rights. In an Essay on "Government" published in 1823 as an appendix to the fifth edition of the Encyclopdia Britannica, he dismissed in a sentence all claim of women to share in the benefits and protection of representative government, stating that their interests were sufficiently protected by the enfranchisement of their husbands and fathers. It is true that this did not pass unchallenged; a book in reply was published (1825) by William Thomson. This book had a preface by Mrs. Wheeler, at whose instigation it was written.
The Reform Movement was agitating the whole country at this period, and political excitement led to political riots, burning of buildings, and general orgies of massacre and destruction. The Government of the day had their share in the blunders and stupidities which led to these crimes, and in none were these qualities more conspicuous than in the riot at Manchester, which came to be known as the Peterloo Massacre in August 1819, in which six people were killed and about thirty seriously injured.
What connects it with the subject of these pages has already been hinted at. Women as well as men had been ridden down by the cavalry; they were present at the meeting not merely as spectators, but as taking an active part in the Reform Movement. A picture of the Peterloo Massacre, now in the Manchester Reform Club, is dedicated to "Henry Hunt, Esq., the chairman of the meeting and to the Female Reformers of Manchester and the adjacent towns who were exposed to and suffered from the wanton and furious attack made on them by that brutal armed force, the Manchester and Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry." The picture represents women in every part of the fray, and certainly taking their share in its horrors. In the many descriptions of the event, no word of reprobation has come to my notice of the women who were taking part in the meeting; they were neither "hyenas" nor "witches," but patriotic women helping their husbands and brothers to obtain political liberty; in a word, they were working for men and not for themselves, and this made an immense difference in the judgment meted out to them. However, it is quite clear that even as long ago as 1819 the notion that women have nothing to do with politics was in practice rejected by the political common-sense of Englishmen. No one doubted that women were, and ought to be, deeply interested in what concerned the political well-being of their country.
Some political antiquarians in this country have expressed their conviction that in early times when the institution of feudalism was the strongest political force in England, women exercised electoral rights in those cases where they were entitled as landowners or as freewomen of certain towns to do so. there is a passage which goes far to prove that even as late as 1807 the right of women possessing the necessary legal qualification to vote in Parliamentary elections was recognised as being in existence. One of the Spencer Stanhopes was a candidate during the general election of 1807, and Mrs. Spencer Stanhope writes to her son, John, that her husband's party was so certain of success that they had announced that their women folk need not vote. "Your father was at Wakefield canvassing yesterday.... They determined not to admit the ladies to vote, which is extraordinary and very hard, considering how few privileges we poor females have. Should it come to a very close struggle, I daresay they will then call upon the ladies, and in that case every self-respecting woman should most certainly refuse her assistance."
The contention is that the Reform Act of 1832, by substituting the words "male person" in lieu of the word "man" in the earlier Acts, first placed upon the women of this country the burden of a statutory disability. This process, it is argued, was repeated in the Municipal Corporation Act of 1835, and is the reason why the admission of women to the municipal franchise in 1870 is spoken of in many of our suffrage publications as the "Restoration" of the municipal suffrage to women. The point appears more of antiquarian than of practical interest. If substantiated, it only illustrates anew the fact that under feudalism, and as long as feudalism survived, property rather than human beings had a special claim to representation, but it assumed a larger degree of importance from what followed in 1850 and 1868.
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