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Peter B. Knupfer - The Union As It Is: Constitutional Unionism and Sectional Compromise, 1787-1861

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title The Union As It Is Constitutional Unionism and Sectional - photo 1

title:The Union As It Is : Constitutional Unionism and Sectional Compromise, 1787-1861
author:Knupfer, Peter B.
publisher:University of North Carolina Press
isbn10 | asin:0807819964
print isbn13:9780807819968
ebook isbn13:9780807862551
language:English
subjectUnited States--Politics and government--1783-1865, Constitutional history--United States, Sectionalism (United States)
publication date:1991
lcc:E302.1.K58 1991eb
ddc:973
subject:United States--Politics and government--1783-1865, Constitutional history--United States, Sectionalism (United States)
The Union As It Is
Constitutional Unionism
And Sectional Compromise,
17871861
PETER B. KNUPFER
THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS
CHAPEL HILL & LONDON
1991 The University of North Carolina Press
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
The paper in this book meets the guidelines for
permanence and durability of the Committee
on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity
of the Council on Library Resources.
95 94 93 92 91
5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication
Data
Knupfer, Peter B.
The Union as it is: constitutional unionism
and sectional compromise, 17871861 / by
Peter B. Knupfer.
p. cm.
ISBN 0-8078-1996-4 (cloth: alk. paper)
1. United StatesPolitics and government
17831865. 2. United StatesConstitutional
history. 3. Sectionalism (United States)
I. Title.
E302.1.K58 1991
973dc20 Picture 2Picture 391-50254
Picture 4Picture 5Picture 6CIP
Portions of this work appeared earlier,
in somewhat different form, in "Henry Clay's
Constitutional Unionism," Register of the
Kentucky Historical Society
89 (Winter 199091),
and "The Rhetoric of Conciliation: American
Civic Culture and the Federalist Defense of
Compromise," Journal of the Early Republic 11,
no. 3 (Fall 1991), and are reproduced here with
permission of the journals.
The Middle Course
I gave the people as much privilege as they have a right to:
I neither degrade them from rank nor give them free hand;
and for those who already held the power and were envied for money,
I worked it out that they also should have no cause for complaint.
I stood there holding my sturdy shield over both the parties;
I would not let either side win a victory that was wrong.
SOLON
Contents
Preface
ix
Introduction
1
CHAPTER 1
Template, 1787: Fashioning a Rhetoric of Conciliation
23
CHAPTER 2
The Virtues of Moderation: Compromise and Civics
56
CHAPTER 3
Constitutional Rituals: 1820 and 1833
86
CHAPTER 4
Compromise and Statesmanship: Henry Clay's Union
119
CHAPTER 5
Last Ritual: The Compromise of 1850
158
CHAPTER 6
The Template Breaks: 18541861
201
Notes
213
Bibliography
261
Index
279

Page ix
Preface
Picture 7
Madisonian principles mean peace, harmony, union, amiableness, justice, and conciliation and the conservative principle; it means dignity, honor, orderit means the Constitution.
Daily Madisonian, January 11, 1838
Predictably, the bicentennial of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights has produced a flood of new works about the origins and development of American constitutionalism. Perhaps the most innovative and penetrating work has been directed toward uncovering and analyzing the connection between political culture and the Constitution. Michael Kammen's path-breaking book, A Machine That Would Go of Itself (Knopf, 1986), comes immediately to mind as representative of this genre, for it makes an ambitious attempt to escape the traditional legalistic and juridical method of understanding the Constitution in order to discern how the Constitution was taught to and interpreted by the common citizen. Kammen's conclusions are pretty depressing. For in the end, the Constitution's chaotic career, troubled by civil war, intellectual ferment, staid conservatism, and general public indifference, leaves Kammen lamenting the low civic IQ of both ordinary citizens and national leaders.1
Of course, complaints about the poverty of constitutional education in the United States have been a staple of public discourse since the instrument was framed in 1787. Yet if Kammen's conclusion is valid, then the Republic long ago should have collapsed from a terminal case of civic ignorance. I began this book with this apparent contradiction in mind, hoping at once to answer Merle Curti's call back in 1963 for a study of the role played by moderates in ideological conflicts and also to find any connection between civic attitudes and constitutional development.2
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