Natan Sharansky - The Case for Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror

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Table of Contents

PRAISE FORThe Case for Democracy

This book has the merit of straightforwardness. It is written with vigor, argued with panache and imbued with the fierce conviction of a man who grew up in a society where every typewriter had to be registered with the authorities.

The New York Times

In the hands of U.S. policy makers, [The Case for Democracy] can be a blueprint for measurable, positive change not just in the Palestinian Authority but in the Arab world as a whole.National Review

Natan Sharansky ... has written a provocative and important book that has already attained a great deal of influence. Philadelphia Inquirer

[The Case for Democracy] is the perfect gift... for friends or family members on the political right who think that the Arabs or Muslims are too primitive for freedom and democracy and who worry that for America to promote freedom and democracy in the Middle East would jeopardize American interests. It is also the perfect gift for friends or family members on the political left who think that freedom and democracy cant be exported by America, or that to do so is a form of imperialism.New York Sun

The Case for Democracy is suffused with the optimism that sustained Sharansky during his years of imprisonment. He conveys a genuine love for the Jewish people, respect for ordinary Palestinians, and faith in democracy. Its hard to imagine a more compelling advocate for the cause of freedom. Commentary

[The Case for Democracy] is a powerful argument for spreading freedom around the world as the ultimate weapon against totalitarian societies and fundamentalist movements.

Cal Thomas, Virginian-Pilot

Natan Sharansky explains, clearly and cogently, the linkages between freedom and peace and between tyranny and terror. In the light of these two linkages and of his own personal experiences of both, he compares the successful ending of the Cold War with the stalled peace process in the Middle East; Helsinki with Oslo. This is a brave book by a brave manan eloquent plea for moral clarity, and a fine example of it.

Bernard Lewis, Professor Emeritus, Princeton University

Natan Sharansky has written a book about a concept that serves Americas interests and Americas values; to wit, the absolute necessity to encourage democracies in some of the most difficult places in the world, because authoritarian and totalitarian governments are inherently unreliable in terms of their commitments to peace and co-existence. He draws upon his unique experiences with the Soviet Union and with Israel to make his case in specific terms. That case is a compelling one.

Mort Zuckerman, Editor-in-Chief, US News & World Report

As KGB prisoner, human rights hero and Jewish leader, Natan Sharansky has lived at the very center of the history of our time. In this extraordinary book, he brings his passion, experience, and intellect to make the case, long overlooked and denigrated, for the power of freedom in international affairs. The Case for Democracy is both a rebuke and a challenge to all conventional thinking. It must be read.

Dr. Charles Krauthammer, syndicated columnist and Pulitzer Prize-winner

To the memory of Andrei Sakharov A man who proved that with moral clarity and courage, we can change the world

PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

IN WRITING The Case for Democracy, our intention was to respond to those skeptics who were challenging the wisdom of a foreign policy that seeks to advance democracy around the world. Experience had convinced us that our expectations for the book should be modest. We had written many articles over the previous decade that outlined the arguments of the book: That the desire for freedom was universal, that democracy was essential for security, and that free nations should link their foreign policies toward non-democratic states to the expansion of freedom within those states. These articles were often well received, but made little impact when it came time to formulate concrete policies.

After 9/11, when the so-called realist approach of strengthening dictators had ostensibly collapsed, we hoped that people would begin to recognize that it was the lack of freedom in many parts of the world that was the greatest threat to peace and stability. While there was some evidence that the seeds of this thinking were beginning to take root, the skeptics of democracy nonetheless appeared to be winning the day. We wrote this book in the hope that it might help to cultivate those seeds and nurture a foreign policy approach that in our view was as pragmatic as it was principled. It was the approach that won the Cold War without firing a shot.

Unbeknownst to us, President Bush had received a copy of the book from a friend two days after his re-election. The following week we were surprised to receive a phone call from the White House that the President wanted to discuss the ideas contained in the book. That discussion offered an opportunity to make our case before the leader of the free world.

When he greeted us in the Oval Office, the President expressed his firm belief in the power of democracy to transform the Middle East and asked what could be done to encourage the spread of freedom in the region.

Natan argued that the president could have the greatest impact on encouraging democracy by making clear that America stands with those who yearn to be free. The weapon that ultimately brought down an enervated Soviet Union, Natan explained, was the moral clarity of a few Western leaders combined with the courage of dissidents behind the iron curtain to confront the regime in Moscow.

Applying that same formula, Natan believed, could fundamentally alter the landscape of the Middle East. Natan was convinced that once oppressed peoples knew that the United States would not permit the regimes that subjugated them to act toward them with impunity, many would have the courage to confront those regimes openly. In short, if President Bush, who had already shown his willingness to back up tough words with forceful action, would champion freedom, the Arab people would respond.

Mr. President, Natan said, you are a real dissident. With the President looking thoroughly bewildered, Natan continued: You see, unlike most democratic leaders in the world, you really believe in the power of democracy. You really believe that Arabs can live in freedom. People criticize you for this. They call you nave. But you stick to the idea of bringing democracy to the Middle East even when it is unpopular, even during an election campaign, even when people told you to abandon it. That is the mark of a dissident. A politician seeks power. A dissident stays true to an idea, no matter what the consequences. You know, Mr. President, dissidents are usually alone in their struggle. And it is often very difficult for them. But ultimately, history is on their side.

When President Bush used his second inaugural to define an expansive new mission for American foreign policy based on promoting freedom around the world, it was clear that the presidents interest in democracy was more than a passing fancy. So it is the policy of the United States, the president said, to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

No less significant, he spoke of the interconnection between democracy and security (The survival of liberty in our land depends on the success of liberty in other lands) and the link between freedom and peace (The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world).

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