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Liam Halligan and Gerard Lyons - Clean Brexit

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Liam Halligan and Gerard Lyons Clean Brexit

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Foreword -- Acronyms and abbreviations -- Editorial -- Executive summary -- Overview: Globalisation and the roleof international governance -- Globalisation and the level playing field -- The internationalisation of state-owned enterprises -- Protecting and promoting competition in a global marketplace -- Moving towards more responsible globalisation.;Annotation

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The views expressed in this book are solely of the authors and not necessarily those of any organisation with which they are affiliated.

CONTENTS

W hile the majority of people have rejected the bad union that the EU has become, they have not rejected the good union of the nations of the United Kingdom. The strength of that union is based on a much deeper sense of shared destiny and it will continue as long as the political structures of the UK represent and express the views of the people effectively and fairly.

The 2016 referendum was a vote on a political establishment that had become disconnected from the majority of the people. Now, with Brexit, there is an opportunity to address our domestic challenges. The coming months must be guided by three basic principles.

First, the broad outline of the referendum decision is clear. The British people want their own Parliament to have the final say over UK laws, immigration policy, trade negotiations and taxation. We should not stay in the single market or try to adopt Norways approach when redefining our relationship with the EU, as this would not respect the referendum outcome. As this book makes clear, we must seek a new path outside the EU.

Second, we enter the talks with the EU as equals. The UK is one of the worlds largest economies and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. We are the EUs second-largest net budget contributor. Just as trade with the EU is important to the UK, so UK trade is important to the EU. Free and frictionless trade is in everyones interests.

The UK will have to accept that the cohesion of the Eurozone will be the driving imperative for the EU 27. But the European Commission will have to decide what it can and cannot do in the future, as there seems little appetite among member states to increase their contributions to make up for the loss of the UK. There will be a bit of sniggering and condescension as these Article 50 negotiations get serious, but our negotiators are there to implement the will of the UK.

The third basic principle is that these negotiations will be as simple or as complicated as we choose to make them. Liam Halligan and Gerard Lyons have put forward a clear, credible approach for the UK to take Clean Brexit and have outlined how it can be achieved. This is a welcome rebuttal to those who speak only of stopping a chaotic Brexit because they still have not come to terms with the outcome of the referendum. Britain and the EU do not want a messy divorce, but instead an approach based on extensive future cooperation and shared values.

Brexit is about allowing the British electorate, and in turn Parliament and the government of the day, greater future scope to pursue the domestic economic policies that the country needs. One of the important points that Halligan and Lyons make is that Brexit allows Britain to take a leadership role in global affairs. Arguably, the last time we articulated a coherent and outward-looking approach to our role in the world was during the first term of the 1997 Labour government.

Leaving the EU provides an opportunity to rewrite some of the rules, take back responsibilities and adopt a strategic approach, rather than a collection of tactical responses to events which lack strategic underpinning. From striking fairer trade deals with developing countries to lowering rates of VAT at home to help those on lower incomes, our ability to make these decisions again will enable us to more closely reflect our values and priorities.

In Clean Brexit, the two authors, whose work in this area I greatly admire, have provided an excellent framework within which we can continue the debate, with a positive outlook towards Brexit and what lies ahead.

Rt Hon. Gisela Stuart
August 2017

We are with Europe, but not of it. We are linked but not compromised. We are interested and associated, but not absorbed.

W INSTON C HURCHILL , 1930

H ow will Britain fare outside the European Union? During the Article 50 negotiations, what should the governments priorities be? Theresa Mays hand has clearly been weakened by the June 2017 general election which resulted in a hung parliament, with the government commanding no overall majority. Is Brexit still going to happen? Could there be a second referendum on EU membership? Would that be a good idea?

Can Britain and the EU maintain good relations, despite testy Brexit talks? Will EU imports and exports continue even if we leave with no deal on trade? Is the danger of the cliff edge real and is falling back on World Trade Organization (WTO) rules really the disastrous outcome that many suggest?

What does Brexit mean for UK-based car manufacturers, for the City and our farmers, for British universities and our fishing industry? Will our new immigration system mean fewer EU nationals living and working here? Can the UK itself hold together once we have left the EU, given ongoing calls for Scottish independence and concern about fresh tensions between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic?

How will Brexit affect the EU and the single currency? What does the rise of nationalism across the EU mean for the European project? Could the euro and even the EU itself collapse? If that happened, would Britain get the blame?

Clean Brexit tackles all these questions and more. Amidst the confusion, spin and rhetorical barbs, this book addresses, honestly and openly, the vital Brexit-related issues the politicians try to avoid. While a single volume cannot consider all the technical aspects of unravelling the decades-long formal UKEU relationship, Clean Brexit doesnt shy away from detailed analysis of the economic, commercial, diplomatic and geopolitical issues that the UK faces as it undergoes its most significant negotiation since the Second World War.

The British economy, having performed quite well since the EU referendum in June 2016, still faces genuine difficulties. Brexit will not be entirely straightforward we are realistic about the near-term challenges and outline how they should be addressed. But this book is, nonetheless, unashamedly optimistic. Leaving the EU will obviously cause some upheaval, with both winners and losers. But we genuinely view Brexit as an opportunity to reassert the UKs sovereignty, reinvent our economy as both more productive and inclusive, while reclaiming Britains rightful place as a premier global trading nation.

Under a Clean Brexit, the UK will be outside of the single market, but will still have access to and trade extensively with the EU as do the US and many other leading economies. They trade with the EU without diluting their democracies or making multi-billion-pound annual contributions. Also, outside of the EUs protectionist customs union, we will be able to cut trade deals with the worlds major and fast-growing economies, which Brussels has largely failed to do. The UK can then conduct more business with non-EU countries, which accounts for about 80 per cent of the world economy a share set to go even higher.

By avoiding a potentially explosive Messy Brexit that tries to trade off freedom of movement and single market membership and could ultimately end in stalemate, Clean Brexit provides the best chance of a constructive Article 50 negotiation. That bodes well for the continuation of healthy UKEU trade volumes and ongoing cooperation across a range of important areas from education and research to environmental protection, from military and security matters to cultural exchange. We are leaving the EU, not Europe, after all.

This book draws on the authors long experience in economics, business, journalism and finance, as well as extensive discussions with leading politicians and diplomats from the UK and beyond. It argues that the Article 50 process, if cool heads prevail, can be simpler and less disruptive to citizens and businesses than is often suggested.

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