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Loewen James W. - Confederate States of America;États confédérés dAmérique;États-Unis;États-Unis

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Introduction. Unknown well-known documents. -- The gathering storm (1787-1860) -- Debate over slavery at the Constitutional Convention, August 21-22, 1787 -- John C. Calhoun (1782-1850), On Abolition Petitions, U.S. Senate, February 6, 1837 -- Alabama Platform, February 14-15, 1848 -- John C. Calhoun (1782-1850), Address to the Southern People, U.S. Senate, January 22, 1849 -- James H. Thornwell (1812-62), The Rights and the Duties of the Masters, May 26, 1850 -- Resolves of the Southern Convention at Nashville, June 10-11, 1850 -- Journal, Resolution, and Ordinance, State Convention of South Carolina, April 26-30, 1852 -- Two images of slavery: Confederate $100 bill (1862) and Obelisk, Fort Mill, South Carolina (1895) -- Samuel A. Cartwright (1793-1863), Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race, 1851 -- Slave Jail, Alexandria, c. 1859 -- Jefferson Davis (1808-89), Endorsement; T.L. Clingman (1812-97), Endorsement; and J.H. Van Evrie (1814-96), Negroes and Negro Slavery, The First an Inferior Race-The Latter, Its Normal Condition, 1853 -- George Fitzhugh (1806-81), Cannibals All! Or Slaves Without Masters, 1857 -- Alexander H. Stephens (1812-83), Speech on the Bill to Admit Kansas as a State under the Topeka Constitution, House of Representatives, June 28, 1856 -- Jefferson Davis (1808-89), Speech at State Fair, Augusta, Maine, September 29, 1858 -- John B. Gordon (1832-1904), An Address Delivered Before the Thalian & Phi Delta Societies of Oglethorpe University, June 18, 1860 -- ;The nadir of race relations (1890-1940). -- J.L.M. Curry (1825-1903), The Southern States of the American Union,1895 -- Stephen D. Lee (1833-1908), The Negro Problem, 1899 -- White Mob Burns Black Businesses in Wilmington , North Carolina, November 10, 1898 -- S.A. Cunningham (1843-1913), MKinley, Roosevelt, and the Negro, January 1903 -- S.A. Cunningham, Problem of the Negroes, January 1907 -- John Sharp Williams (1854-1932), Issues of the War Discussed, November 1904 -- John Singleton Mosby (1833-1916), Letter to Sam Chapman, July 4, 1907 -- E.H. Hinton (1852-1916), The Negro and the South: Review of Race Relationships and Conditions, August 1907 -- South Carolina Confederate Womens Monument, 1912 -- C.E. Workman, Reconstruction Days in South Carolina, July 1921 -- Mildred Rutherford (1852-1928), The War Was Not a Civil War, January 1923 -- Susan Lawrence Davis (1862-1939), The First Convention, 1924;Richard Taylor (1826-79), Edmund Kirby Smith (1824-93), Treatment of African American Prisoners of War, June 8, 13, 16, 1863 -- Fort Pillow Massacre, April 12, 1864 -- John R. Eakin (1822-55), The Slave Soldiers, June 8, 1864 -- Henry Hotze (1833-87), The Negros Place in Nature, December 10, 1863 -- Robert E. Lee (1807-70), Letter to Hon. Andrew Hunter, January 11, 1865 -- Macon Telegraph, Editorial Opposing Enlistment of African Americans; January 6, 1865 -- Howell Cobb (1815-68), Letter to James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, January 8, 1865 -- J.H. Stringfellow (1819-1905), Letter to President Jefferson Davis, February 8, 1865 -- General Orders, No. 14, An Act to Increase the Military Force of the Confederate States, approved March 13, 1865 -- Reconstruction and fusion (1866-1890). -- Reconstruction and Fusion (1866-1890) -- Edmund Rhett Jr., Letter to Armistead Burt, October 14, 1865 -- Mississippis Black Code, November 24-29, 1865;John E. Rankin (1882-1960), Forrest at Brices Cross Roads, August 1925 -- The civil rights era, 1940. -- Richard Weaver (1910-63), Selections from The Southern Tradition at Bay, 1943 -- M. Clifford Harrison (1893-1967), The Southern Confederacy-Dead or Alive? December 1947 -- Dixiecrat Convention, Birmingham, Alabama, July 1848 -- Birmingham Post Staff writers, Untitled Sidebars about the Dixiecrat Convention, July 17, 1948 -- Strom Thurmond (1902-2003), Address to the State Convention of the United Daughters of the Confederacy at Winthrop College, South Carolina, October 17, 1957 -- Sumter L. Lowry (1893-1985), the Federal Government and Our Constitutional Rights, Address to the United Daughters of the Confederacy, October 15, 1958 -- The Citizens Council Logo, March 1957 -- His Example Inspires Our Efforts of Today, The Citizens Council, June 1956 -- W.E. Rose, The Warning of Robert E. Lee, The Citizens Council, February 1957;Sonny Perdue (1946- ), Confederate History Month Proclamation, March 5, 2008 -- Frank Conner, Where We Stand Now: And How We Got Here, September 2003 -- Concluding words.;Robert E. Lee (1807-70), Testimony before the Congressional Joint Committee on Reconstruction, February 17, 1866 -- Rushmore G. Horton (1826-68), A Youths History of the Great Civil War in the United States from 1861 to 1865, 1867 -- Jack Kershaw (1913-), Statue of Nathan Bedford Forrest, 1998 -- Edward A. Pollard (1831-72), The Lost Cause Regained, 1868 -- Alexander H. Stephens (1812-83), Conclusion, A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States, 1868 -- Robert E. Lee (1807-70), the White Sulphur Manifesto, August 26, 1868 -- John B. Gordon (1832-1904), To the Colored People, address in Charleston, South Carolina, September 11, 1868 -- Ku Klux Klan Postcard, c. 1937 -- R. L. Dabney (1820-98) Womens Rights Women, 1871 -- Jubal A. Early (1816-94), Speech to the Southern Historical Society, August 14, 1873 -- Jefferson Davis (1809-89), Slavery Not the Cause, but an Incident, 1881;-- Civil War (1861-1865.) -- Jefferson Davis (1809-89), Farewell to the U.S. Senate, January 21, 1861 -- Jefferson Davis (1809-89), Message to the Confederate Congress about Ratification of the Constitution, April 29, 1861 -- The Constitution of the Confederate States of America, March 11, 1861 -- Alexander H. Stephens (1812-83), African Slavery: The Corner-Stone of the Southern Confederacy, March 22, 1861 -- Governor H. M. Rector (1816-99), Letter to Colonel Sam Leslie, November 28, 1861 -- Three National Flags of the Confederacy, 1861, 1863, 1865 -- William T. Thompson (1812-82), Proposed Designs for the 2nd National Confederate Flag, April-May 1863 -- Jefferson Davis (1809-89), Message to the Confederate Congress, January 12, 1863 -- Confederate Congress, Response of the Confederate Congress to Message from Jefferson Davis on the Emancipation Proclamation, May 1, 1863;Secession (1859-1861). -- South Carolina General Assembly, Resolutions for a Southern Convention, December 22,1859 -- Jefferson Davis, Congressional Resolutions on Relations of States, U.S. Senate, March 1, 1860 -- Official Proceedings of the Democratic Convention, April 28-May 1, 1860 -- Benjamin Palmer (1818-1902), Thanksgiving Sermon, November 29, 1860 -- Christiana Banner, 1994 (1911,1851) -- South Carolina Secession Convention, Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union, December 24, 1860 -- South Carolina Secession Convention, The Address of the People of South Carolina, Assembled in Convention, To the People of the Slaveholding States of the United States 1861, December 24, 1860 -- Mississippi Secession Convention, A Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union, January 26, 1861 -- Florida Secession Convention, Cause for Secession, January 7, 1861 -- Alabama Secession Convention, Resolution of Resistance, January 7, 1861, and Ordinance of Secession, January 11, 1861 -- Georgia Committee of Seventeen, Report on Causes for Secession, January 29, 1861 -- Texas Secession Convention, A Declaration of the Causes Which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union, February 2, 1861 -- George Williamson (1829-82), Louisianna Secession Commissioner, Letter to President and Gentlemen of the Convention of the People of Texas, February 11, 1861 -- Henry L. Benning (1814-75), Address Delivered Before the Virginia State Convention, February 18, 1861 -- Virginia Secession Convention, Resolutions, March 28-April 5, 1861 -- Arkansas Secession Convention, Resolutions, March 11, 1861 -- Isham Harris (1818-97), Governor of Tennessee, Message to the Legislature, January 7, 1861 -- John W. Ellis (1820-61), Governor of North Carolina, Proclamation, April 17, 1861;The Citizens Councils, Old Censored Joe, November 1957 -- The Citizens Councils, Mau Mau Party December 1958 -- The Citizens Council, Conditions in U.S. Today Offer Alarming Parallel to First Reconstruction Era of a Century Ago, August 1960 -- Richard Quinn (c.1945- ),, Martin Luther King Day, Fall 1983 -- James Ronald Kennedy (1947- ) and Walter Donald Kennedy (1947- ), Equality of Opportunity, 1994 -- Sic Semper Tyrannis T-shirt, 1999 -- Alister C. Anderson (c.1924- ), Address at Arlington National Cemetery, June 6, 1999 -- Moses Ezekiel, Arlington Cemetery Confederate Monument, detail June 4, 1914 -- Sons of Confederate Veterans, Postcard Objecting to Mention of Slavery at Civil War Sites, 2000 -- John J. Dwyer (1956- ), Introduction to the War Between the States: Americas Uncivil War, 2005 -- Lincolns Worst Nightmare, 1996-99 -- States Voting for Lincoln (Republican,1860) and Kerry (Democrat, 2004)

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The Confederate and Neo-Confederate Reader

The Confederate and Neo-Confederate Reader

The Great Truth about the Lost Cause

Edited by James W. Loewen
and Edward H. Sebesta

wwwupressstatemsus Designed by Peter D Halverson The University Press of - photo 1

www.upress.state.ms.us

Designed by Peter D. Halverson

The University Press of Mississippi is a member of the Association of
American University Presses.

Copyright 2010 by University Press of Mississippi
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America

First printing 2010
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The Confederate and neo-Confederate reader: the great truth about the
lost cause / edited by James W. Loewen and Edward H. Sebesta.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-60473-218-4 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-60473-219-1
(pbk.: alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-60473-788-2 (ebook) 1. Confederate
States of AmericaSources. 2. Southern StatesHistory19th
centurySources. 3. Southern StatesHistory20th centurySources.
4. United StatesHistoryCivil War, 18611865CausesSources.5.
United StatesHistoryCivil War, 18611865InfluenceSources. I.
Loewen, James W. II. Sebesta, Edward H.
F215.C75 2010
973.7'13dc22 2010008340

British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data available

CONTENTS

Slave Jail, Alexandria, c. 1859

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The editors would like to thank the following readers for comments and suggestions that were of extraordinary value: John Coski, John Dittmer, James O. Horton, Dwight Pitcaithley, Gregory Urwin, David Williams, and an anonymous reviewer.

Photo Credits

Figures 2, 12, and 18, courtesy of James W. Loewen

Figure 9, courtesy of James B. Jones Jr.

Figure 11, courtesy of North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, Iconographic Collection # N.66.7.120.

Figures 17 and 19, courtesy of Edward H. Sebesta

The Confederate and Neo-Confederate Reader

INTRODUCTION
UNKNOWN WELL-KNOWN DOCUMENTS

James W. Loewen

Anyone who knows the history of the Civil War and its aftermath and who talks with members of the public quickly grows frustrated. Most recent high school graduates, many history and social studies teachers, and even some professional historians whose training is in other areas hold basic misconceptions about the era. Questions about why the South seceded, what the Confederacy was about, and the nature and later use of its symbols and ideology often give rise to flatly untrue answers. In turn, these errors persist because most Americans do not know and have never read key documents in American history about the Confederacy.

The documents included here also make a case for teaching every American the word and the concept historiography. Most concisely, historiography means the study of history, but not just studying history. Historiography asks us to scrutinize how a given piece of history came to be written. Who wrote it? When? With whom were they in debate? What were they trying to prove? Who didnt write it? What points of view were omitted? Especially on the subjects of slavery, secession, and racethe core of this volumeConfederate and neo-Confederate statements change depending upon where people wrote or spoke, and when and why. Why did Confederates say they seceded for slavery in 1861 but not in 1891? Why did neo-Confederates claim in 1999, but not in 1869, that thousands of African Americans served in the Confederate armed forces? Teachers can use questions like these to get students to understand and do historiography on the documents in this collection.

By no means is this the only selection of Confederate and neo-Confederate writings and speeches that could be made. Jefferson Daviss Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government runs two volumes and more than 1,500 pages by itself. The Confederate and neo-Confederate literature is vast. Any book-length selection is bound to be arbitrary, at least to some degree. But not all writing by Confederate or neo-Confederate leaders is part of that literature. Before Virginia seceded, for example, Robert E. Lee wrote eloquently against such a move. We do not include his piece, because his was not a Confederate position. During Reconstruction, his corps commander, James Longstreet, became a Republican and favored equal rights for all; we do not include excerpts from his autobiography, because his was not a neo-Confederate position. Of course, not all Confederates or neo-Confederates held identical points of view, and our selections show considerable diversity. Nevertheless, a core of Confederate and neo-Confederate thought evolved over time that we have tried to present here.

WHY DID THE SOUTH SECEDE?

In 1998, I was honored to give the fourteenth Dortch Lecture at the Greensboro Historical Museum in North Carolina. The auditorium was full and overflowed to another room with closed-circuit TV. This was an audience of people deeply interested in history, including many members of the museum. During my talk, I asked the crowd, Why did we have a Civil War? All knew that the Civil War resulted from the secession of South Carolina, followed by ten other states, so the question became, Why did South Carolina, followed by ten other Southern states, secede? The group generated four answers: slavery, states rights, tariffs and taxes, and the election of Lincoln.

They agreed that those answers exhausted the likely alternatives. I then asked them to vote. This is not Chicago, I said. You may only vote once.

States rights drew half the votes. Slavery received a fourth. Tariffs and taxes and the election of Lincoln split the remaining 25%, about evenly.

Then I asked, What would be the best evidence to resolve the matter? Individuals volunteered diaries from the time and newspaper articles; not bad answers but hardly the best. Then one man asked, Wasnt there some sort of convention? Didnt it say why South Carolina was leaving the Union?

Such a convention did meet, of course, in Charleston; in December 1860 it voted to take South Carolina out of the United States. As it did so, it indeed explained why, in a document titled Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union. The Declaration begins with a biased and incomplete history of the formation of the United States. Then it lists South Carolinas grievances against the North: We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused, for years past, to fulfill their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. The only constitutional obligation that concerned South Carolina in 1860 was the fugitive slave clause, which the Declaration proceeds to quote. Delegates then note an increasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding states to the institution of slavery. The document immediately lists those states and the rights they tried to exercise to avoid being complicit with slavery: The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa, have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from service of labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. A few Northern states further infuriated South Carolina by letting African Americans vote, even though who could vote was a state matter until the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the U.S. Constitution, adopted after the Civil War. South Carolina was also upset that Northern states have permitted the open establishment among them of [abolitionist] societies. To South Carolina fire eaters, Northern states did not have the right to let their citizens assemble and speak freelynot if what they say might threaten slavery.

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