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Rice - No higher honor: a memoir of my years in washington

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From one of the worlds most admired women, this is former National Security Advisor and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rices compelling story of eight years serving at the highest levels of government. In her position as Americas chief diplomat, Rice traveled almost continuously around the globe, seeking common ground among sometimes bitter enemies, forging agreement on divisive issues, and compiling a remarkable record of achievement. A native of Birmingham, Alabama who overcame the racism of the Civil Rights era to become a brilliant academic and expert on foreign affairs, Rice distinguished herself as an advisor to George W. Bush during the 2000 presidential campaign. Once Bush was elected, she served as his chief adviser on national-security issues a job whose duties included harmonizing the relationship between the Secretaries of State and Defense. It was a role that deepened her bond with the President and ultimately made her one of his closest confidantes. With the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Rice found herself at the center of the Administrations intense efforts to keep America safe. Here, Rice describes the events of that harrowing day and the tumultuous days after. No day was ever the same. Additionally, Rice also reveals new details of the debates that led to the war in Afghanistan and then Iraq. The eyes of the nation were once again focused on Rice in 2004 when she appeared before the 9-11 Commission to answer tough questions regarding the countrys preparedness for and immediate response to the 9-11 attacks. Her responses, it was generally conceded, would shape the nations perception of the Administrations competence during the crisis. Rice conveys just how pressure-filled that appearance was and her surprised gratitude when, in succeeding days, she was broadly saluted for her grace and forthrightness. From that point forward, Rice was aggressively sought after by the media and regarded by some as the Administrations most effective champion. In 2005 Rice was entrusted with even more responsibility when she was charged with helping to shape and carry forward the Presidents foreign policy as Secretary of State. As such, she proved herself a deft crafter of tactics and negotiation aimed to contain or reduce the threat posed by Americas enemies. Here, she reveals the behind-the-scenes maneuvers that kept the worlds relationships with Iran, North Korea and Libya from collapsing into chaos. She also talks about her role as a crisis manager, showing that at any hour -- and at a moments notice -- she was willing to bring all parties to the bargaining table anywhere in the world. No Higher Honor takes the reader into secret negotiating rooms where the fates of Israel, the Palestinian Authority, and Lebanon often hung in the balance, and it draws back the curtain on how frighteningly close all-out war loomed in clashes involving Pakistan-India and Russia-Georgia, and in East Africa. Surprisingly candid in her appraisals of various Administration colleagues and the hundreds of foreign leaders with whom she dealt, Rice also offers here keen insight into how history actually proceeds. In No Higher Honor, she delivers a master class in statecraft -- but always in a way that reveals her essential warmth and humility, and her deep reverence for the ideals on which America was founded.

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ALSO BY CONDOLEEZZA RICE Extraordinary Ordinary People A Memoir of Family - photo 1

ALSO BY CONDOLEEZZA RICE

Extraordinary, Ordinary People: A Memoir of Family

Uncertain Allegiance: The Soviet Union and the Czechoslovak Army

The Gorbachev Era (with Alexander Dallin)

Germany Unified and Europe Transformed: A Study in Statecraft (with Philip Zelikow)

The opinions and characterizations in this book are those of the author and do - photo 2

The opinions and characterizations in this book are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent official positions of the United States Government.

Copyright 2011 by Condoleezza Rice

All rights reserved.
Published in the United States by Crown Publishers,
an imprint of the Crown Publishing Group,
a division of Random House, Inc., New York.
www.crownpublishing.com

CROWN and the Crown colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available upon request.

eISBN: 978-0-307-95247-9

Map by David Lindroth
Cover design by Laura Duffy
Cover photography: Michael Collopy

v3.1_r1

To my parents
Picture 3

To the men and women in uniform
who volunteer to defend us on the front lines of liberty

and

To the diplomats and other civilians
who serve in hard places to promote a balance of power that favors freedom

C ONTENTS

No higher honor a memoir of my years in washington - photo 4

P ROLOGUE T HE RIDE TO FOGGY BOTTOM from my Watergate apartment was - photo 5

P ROLOGUE T HE RIDE TO FOGGY BOTTOM from my Watergate apartment was short I - photo 6

Picture 7
P ROLOGUE

T HE RIDE TO FOGGY BOTTOM from my Watergate apartment was short. I had the good fortune to live four minutes from the office, and Id been grateful many times after late nights and tense days that I didnt have to commute.

On this, my last morning, I would have enjoyed a little more time to reflect. But I was quickly in the garage and then up the secretarys private elevator to the seventh floor, entering the ornate paneled hallway lined with portraits of my predecessors.

I met my staff for one final time to thank them. They had a gift for me: theyd purchased my White House Cabinet Room chair. Each member of the Presidents Cabinet sits in a large brown leather chair with a plaque on the back. I remember seeing Secretary of State for the first time and blushing at the thought that there had been a few others who had chairs like this before me. Did Thomas Jefferson have his own chair?

The ceremonial part of the meeting was short, though, because we had work to do. Tzipi Livni, Israels foreign minister, was coming to negotiate a memorandum of understanding on terms for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza. Turmoil in the Middle East had been there when I arrived, and it was going to be there when I left. But it was a fundamentally different place than when we had entered office in 2001. So much had happened to shape the contours of a new Middle East.

Toward the end of my day, I stopped to look at the four portraits of former secretaries that Id kept near me. There was Thomas Jeffersoneveryone kept Thomas Jeffersonand George Marshall, arguably the greatest secretary of state and, well, everybody kept George Marshall too.

But Id asked to have Dean Acheson and William Seward moved up the queue. Acheson graced my outer office. When he left as secretary in 1953, he was hounded by the question Who lost China? with many blaming him for Americas inability to prevent Mao Zedongs victory. Now he was remembered as one of the founding fathers of NATO.

And I kept William Seward. Why would anyone keep Sewards portrait in a place of honor? Well, he bought Alaska. When the purchase was submitted for ratification in the Senate in 1867, Seward was excoriated: Why would you pay the tsar of Russia seven million dollars for that icebox? The decision quickly became known as Sewards folly. One day I was talking with the then defense minister of Russia, Sergei Ivanov. Hed recently visited Alaska. Its so beautiful, he said. It reminds me of Russia. Sergei, it used to be Russia, I quipped. Were all glad that Seward bought Alaska.

The portraits were not just decoration; they were a reminder of something that I often told the press and others: Todays headlines and historys judgment are rarely the same. If you are too attentive to the former, you will most certainly not do the hard work of securing the latter.

In that vein, Dean Acheson and I shared more than having had the honor of serving in turbulent times; we shared a favorite quote from the English historian C. V. Wedgwood: History is lived forwards but it is written in retrospect. We know the end before we consider the beginning and we can never wholly recapture what it was to know the beginning only.

My, youve lived a lot of history, I thought. Then I headed down the hall to meet the Israeli foreign minister one last time.

Picture 8
I NTRODUCTION

I T HAD BEEN a long two days. On Thursday morning, September 13, 2001, I stood looking at myself in the bathroom mirror. How could this have happened? Did we miss something? Keep your focus. Just get to the end of today, then tomorrow, then the next day. There will be a time to go back. Not now. You have work to do.

The time of reckoningof facing the nation and myself about what had happened that daywould come in April 2004, when I testified before the 9/11 Commission. From the day the commission was announced, I knew that the administration would be asked the questions Id asked myself. How could you let it happen on your watch? Why didnt you see that the system was blinking red?

I was familiar with past commissions of this type and had even taught about the investigations into the Roosevelt administrations failure to spot telltale signs of an impending attack on Pearl Harbor. But its one thing to read about it and quite another to be a central, maybe the central, character in the drama.

Isnt it a fact, Dr. Rice, that the August 6 PDB warned against possible attacks in this country? Some forty-five minutes into my testimony, Richard Ben-Veniste, a seasoned prosecutor, abruptly pounced. He was referring to an intelligence report prepared for the Presidents Daily Briefing (PDB) on August 6, 2001. The report had been developed only after the President himself had asked whether there was any information on a possible al Qaeda attack on the U.S. homeland. The very fact that hed had to ask suggested that the intelligence community thought it an unlikely event.

The report summarized historical information that had been contained in old intelligence documents and quoted a media interview that had already been public. It also said that the intelligence community could not corroborate a 1998 report about Osama bin Ladens desire to hijack a U.S. aircraft. None of us even remembered the PDB until May 2002, when

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