Aaron Passell - Preserving Neighborhoods: How Urban Policy and Community Strategy Shape Baltimore and Brooklyn

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Table of Contents

Preserving Neighborhoods

Preserving
Neighborhoods

How Urban Policy and Community Strategy
Shape Baltimore and Brooklyn

Aaron Passell

Columbia University Press New York

Columbia University Press

Publishers Since 1893

New YorkChichester, West Sussex

cup.columbia.edu

Copyright 2021 Columbia University Press

All rights reserved

EISBN 978-0-231-55063-5

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Passell, Aaron, author.

Title: Preserving neighborhoods : how urban policy and community
strategy shape Baltimore and Brooklyn / Aaron Passell.

Description: New York : Columbia University Press, [2021]|
Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2020028797 (print) | LCCN 2020028798 (ebook)
| ISBN 9780231194068 (hardback) | ISBN 9780231194075 (trade
paperback) | ISBN 9780231550635 (ebook)

Subjects: LCSH: City planningMarylandBaltimore. |
City planningNew York (State)New York. |
Historic preservationSocial aspectsMarylandBaltimore. |
Historic preservationSocial aspects
New York (State)New York. | Historic districtsMarylandBaltimore. |
Historic districtsNew York (State)New York. |
Urban renewalMarylandBaltimore. | Urban renewal
New York (State)New York. | Baltimore (Md.)Social
conditions. | Brooklyn (New York, N.Y.)Social conditions.

Classification: LCC HT168.B35 P38 2021 (print) | LCC HT168.B35
(ebook) | DDC 307.1/2160974723dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020028797

LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020028798

A Columbia University Press E-book.

CUP would be pleased to hear about your reading experience with this e-book at .

Cover images: (top) Design Pics Inc/Alamy Stock Photo; (bottom) Adobe Stock

Cover design: Lisa Hamm

To Anne and Rob, who set me on this path,
Luca and Matteo, who help me know whats important,
And Tabatha, my partner in all things.

Contents

T he support and encouragement I have relied upon while producing this book are extensive. They range from the interest of old friends, to the attention of colleagues, to the belief of editors, to the support and time investment of family. I could not have accomplished it without those thanked here and myriad others, unnamed or overlooked.

The central Brooklyn research that constitutes half of the book began from a conversation with a dear friend of many years, Jesse Hendrich, who introduced me to Gib Veconi and set off the whole process of investigating Prospect Heights, Crown Heights, and Bedford-Stuyvesant. Gib connected me to Suzanne Spellen, Evelyn Tully Costa, and all of my Prospect Heights interviewees. Suzanne facilitated the connection to Morgan Muncey, who got me into Bed-Stuy. Later in the process, Jesse also introduced me to Rob Witherwax, who connected me in turn to Ethel Tyus. An incidental contact with Cara Soh at a conference in Detroit led to Tenzing Chadotsang. Without the willingness of all to make these connections and to take the time to talk to me, I could not have gone forward.

Johns Hopkins and Eric Holcombe exhibited their commitment to historic preservation in Baltimore with the time they gave me. I owe my connection to them to Elizabeth Nix at the University of Baltimore. In different ways, each welcomed me to the city and revealed how much there is to love about it. Eli Pousson, at Baltimore Heritage, was also generous with his time and data. I began the Baltimore research while teaching at and with support from Muhlenberg College, continued it while teaching part-time at Penn, then reengaged with support from Barnard College. Research funding was important, but more important still was the input from colleagues, particularly Mary Rocco who made a critical suggestion about structuring and Kim Johnson who read early chapters. Friendships with Sevin Yildiz and Gergo Baics have also been integral to my experience at Barnard and facilitated the growth of this work.

A long-time mentor, Harvey Molotch, took this project seriously from the start and helped me move it along at various stages, including dismissing various early and misguided titles. As I hope becomes clear from my admiration for their work, Stephanie Ryberg-Webster and Kelly Kinahan made important contributions by being willing to talk to me about the relationship between historic preservation and neighborhood change when they knew much more about it than I did, which they still do. Kait ODonnell gave the manuscript careful attention, and it is better for it. My students in the Barnard Urban Studies program, particular my seniors who have been researching and writing alongside me, have listened patiently to a great deal about this work in ways that have helped me advance it.

Eric Schwartz at Columbia University Press could not have been more encouraging about this book, approaching me early in its development and seeing it through to this point, always responsive and humorous. Lowell Frye almost outdoes Eric for professionalism and good cheer and has made this process about as smooth as I can imagine.

None of this could have been either undertaken nor accomplished without the support of a few members of my family. Nadia and Amer have made it possible for me pursue my passion for cities and liberal arts college teaching and have heard a great deal about this book over its evolution, challenging me to explain and reflecting thoughtfully upon it. Thank you. Last, but never least, Tabatha has listened, read, edited, nudged, cooked, cared for children, walked the dog, and more, all while producing her own great and important work. I could not have done it without her and wouldnt have wanted to do so.

W hat does historic preservation do? In the most obvious sense, it saves old buildings, returning them to and keeping them in a robust state, similar to when they were first completed and inhabited (although the exact moment being preserved is worth some thought). Preservationists argue, both explicitly and implicitly, that old buildings deserve this kind of treatment, at least some old buildings do, and that preservation is an appropriate use of resources. Preservation also, its critics like to point out, limits how much and how fast the contemporary city can change and develop by limiting what can be demolished or adapted, privileging the rights of old buildings over the dynamics of new development. It does all of these things and others too, such as providing employment and affordable housing, in complex combinations depending on its context. Indeed, what preservation does depends substantially on where it is doing it and the particular history and contemporary conditions of that place.

What does historic preservation do to neighborhoods? It might spur a kind of change that leads to the displacement of current residents, what we generally call gentrification. This is what many researchers assume and low-income housing advocates fear: historic designation triggers an increase in property values (precisely why this should happen is neither specified nor clear) that, in turn, leads to increases in rents and property taxes of the kind that force low- and fixed-income residents out of their homes. It might also enable the defense of a successful neighborhood from change, locking in its status relative to others, disincentivizing flight from demographic transition, and guaranteeing that any newcomers understand the local commitment to historicity as it is articulated as a neighborhood priority.

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