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Timothy A. Kohler - Ten Thousand Years of Inequality: The Archaeology of Wealth Differences

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Timothy A. Kohler Ten Thousand Years of Inequality: The Archaeology of Wealth Differences
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Is wealth inequality a universal feature of human societies, or did early peoples live an egalitarian existence? How did inequality develop before the modern era? Did inequalities in wealth increase as people settled into a way of life dominated by farming and herding? Why in general do such disparities increase, and how recent are the high levels of wealth inequality now experienced in many developed nations? How can archaeologists tell?
Ten Thousand Years of Inequality addresses these and other questions by presenting the first set of consistent quantitative measurements of ancient wealth inequality. The authors are archaeologists who have adapted the Gini index, a statistical measure of wealth distribution often used by economists to measure contemporary inequality, and applied it to house-size distributions over time and around the world. Clear descriptions of methods and assumptions serve as a model for other archaeologists and historians who want to document past patterns of wealth disparity.
The chapters cover a variety of ancient cases, including early hunter-gatherers, farmer villages, and agrarian states and empires. The final chapter synthesizes and compares the results. Among the new and notable outcomes, the authors report a systematic difference between higher levels of inequality in ancient Old World societies and lower levels in their New World counterparts.
For the first time, archaeology allows humanitys deep past to provide an account of the early manifestations of wealth inequality around the world.
Contributors
Nicholas Ames
Alleen Betzenhauser
Amy Bogaard
Samuel Bowles
Meredith S. Chesson
Abhijit Dandekar
Timothy J. Dennehy
Robert D. Drennan
Laura J. Ellyson
Deniz Enverova
Ronald K. Faulseit
Gary M. Feinman
Mattia Fochesato
Thomas A. Foor
Vishwas D. Gogte
Timothy A. Kohler
Ian Kuijt
Chapurukha M. Kusimba
Mary-Margaret Murphy
Linda M. Nicholas
Rahul C. Oka
Matthew Pailes
Christian E. Peterson
Anna Marie Prentiss
Michael E. Smith
Elizabeth C. Stone
Amy Styring
Jade Whitlam

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AMERIND STUDIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY Series Editor Christine Szuter The - photo 1

AMERIND STUDIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY

Series Editor Christine Szuter

The University of Arizona Press wwwuapressarizonaedu 2018 The Arizona Board - photo 2

The University of Arizona Press
www.uapress.arizona.edu

2018 The Arizona Board of Regents
All rights reserved. Published 2018

ISBN-13: 978-0-8165-3774-7 (cloth)

Cover design by Leigh McDonald
Cover art: Hathor as a cow breastfeeding Amenhotep II as a young man, Deir-el-Bahari, Egypt, 15th century BC. Just as the Pharaoh was nourished by milk, so too were early wealth inequalities in the Old World stimulated by the availability of large domesticated animals, particularly for traction. Lacking such animals, post-Neolithic New World societies had lower wealth levels than their Old World counterparts. DEA / G. DAGLI ORTI / Granger, NYCAll rights reserved.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Kohler, Timothy A., editor. | Smith, Michael Ernest, 1953 editor.

Title: Ten thousand years of inequality : the archaeology of wealth differences / edited by Timothy A. Kohler and Michael E. Smith.

Other titles: Amerind studies in anthropology.

Description: Tucson : The University of Arizona Press, 2018. | Series: Amerind studies in anthropology | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2017047626 | ISBN 9780816537747 (cloth : alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: Social archaeology. | EqualityEconomic aspects. | Prehistoric peoplesSocial conditions.

Classification: LCC CC72.4 .T44 2018 | DDC 930.1dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017047626

Printed in the United States of America
Picture 3 This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992
(Permanence of Paper).

ISBN-13: 978-0-8165-3836-2 (electronic)

PREFACE

As we write this, the Republicans in the U.S. Senate are debating whether to revoke tax increases on the wealthy imposed by Obamacare in tandem with their plan to reduce federal health spending for the poor. We have not heard Ginis mentioned in this context, but they are relevant, since Obamacare, though primarily a system of health care, also entailed a small transfer of wealth from rich to poor. While this particular issue will soon be decided, we assume, the underlying tension about whether such transfers should be allowed and how large they should be has long vexed democracies.

Many find disturbing statistics such as that reported by Oxfam in early 2017. The worlds eight richest men, by their calculation, now own as much combined wealth as the entire poorest half of humankind (Economy of the 99 Percent, www.oxfam.org). But others say, in effect, that what really matters is the standard of living and the well-being of all; if the economy today produces so much surplus that some become extremely wealthy, thats OK so long as everyone is doing well. To which many would then respond that in fact not everyone is doing well.

However one feels about these debates, we believe they badly need some historical perspective. If the Gini coefficient measuring wealth concentration in the United States stands around 0.8, as the National Bureau for Economic Research reported in 2008, how anomalous, or how normal, is such a number? True, it appears to be among the highest (most unequal) in the world today, but as archaeologists, we suggest that our inquiry should begin not with conditions today, or in 1950, or even at the onset of the Industrial Revolution, but at the dawn of the Holocene some 12,000 years ago. The great age of hunting and gathering, with its largely equal wealth distributions, was then rapidly drawing to a close. As people settled into a way of life dominated by farming and herding, did wealth inequalities develop suddenly or slowly? Why did they increase at allor did they? How recent are the high levels of wealth inequality nowexperienced in many developed nations? How would we as archaeologists even be able to tell?

The editors of this volume have been concerned about such issues for many years, and individually we have published some relevant studies (see ). Yet we have been frustrated by the relative lack of attention to these topics among our colleagues and by the spotty nature of the relevant data from prehistory. So we decided to join forces and organized a symposium titled Measuring and Explaining Household Inequality in Antiquity: Inequality from the Bottom Up at the 2016 Society for American Archaeology meetings in Orlando. We invited all the archaeologists we knew who were doing relevant research to participate.

Perhaps we put on a good show; in any case, the Amerind Foundation kindly invited us to revisit the topic in a more leisurely fashion on their beautiful Dragoon, Arizona, campus in fall 2016. The volume now in your hands is the immediate result. We hope that a longer-term result will be the establishment of a rigorous research program on the creation and distribution of wealth in prehistory, the relationship of wealth to broader measures of well-being, and related large-scale questions on the prehistory of the human condition. These issues are too frequently left to philosophers, novelists, and economists.

We editors have more people to thank than your patience as a reader would permit, but let us begin with the Amerind Foundation and its executive director, Christine Szuter, an enthusiastic advocate for this project and a delightful host; our authors, who have been graceful under strict time constraints; and Laura Ellyson, a PhD student in anthropology at Washington State University (WSU), who provided editorial support all along the way. The University of Arizona Press could not have selected more capable outside reviewers than Tim Earle and Ian Morris; their comments helped at several junctures. Kohler also thanks the Department of Anthropology, WSU, and the Santa Fe Institute both for their support and for providing occasions to try out some of the ideas presented in chapters ; they were prepared and analyzed by Timothy Dennehy, also a member of that project. Smith and Dennehy thank fellow project members Benjamin Stanley, Barbara Stark, Abigail York, Sharon Harlan, and April Kamp-Whittaker for help in measuring inequality in a sample of premodern cities.

1
Studying Inequalitys Deep Past

Michael E. Smith, Timothy A. Kohler, and Gary M. Feinman

They should have been complete strangers, these societies that had exchanged neither word nor material for over ten millennia. Yet they seemed oddly familiar. The Spanish could recognize kings, priests, warriors, merchants, markets, and many other organizational features of Aztec society.

But looking the other way was stranger. The Spanish ships seemed so implausible that the Aztec likened them to mountains or towers. The first Aztec messengers fainted upon seeing Spanish cannons fired. They marveled at the stags the Spanish rode, tall as the roof of a house; the enormous dogs, tireless and powerful, with yellow eyes flashing fire and shooting off sparks; and the soldiers trappings, swords, and shields of iron. Yet the Spanish fixation on gold was puzzling: [T]hey hungered [for it] like pigs... fingered it like monkeys (Leon-Portilla 1962:30, 31, 51).

The dramatic encounter between the Spanish conqueror Hernando Corts and the Aztec emperor Motecuhzoma II in 1519 initiated a series of catastrophic transformations of Mesoamerican societies. Accompanying the conquest, subjugation, exploitation, and disease, the level of social inequality rose dramatically. In fact, though the Aztec empire was socially complex, politically powerful, and densely populated at its core with a strongly entrenched elite class (Smith 2012), its level of wealth inequality was relatively modest (Smith et al. 2014). By 1790, toward the end of the colonial period in Mexico, however, the degree of inequality had almost doubled (Williamson 2010:239).

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