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Eduardo Silva - The State and Capital in Chile: Business Elites, Technocrats, and Market Economics

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Eduardo Silva The State and Capital in Chile: Business Elites, Technocrats, and Market Economics
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The State and Capital in Chile
The State and Capital in Chile
Business Elites, Technocrats, and Market Economics
Eduardo Silva

For Erika and Ismael Gerald and Irene First published 1996 by Westview Press - photo 1
For Erika and Ismael Gerald and Irene
First published 1996 by Westview Press, Inc.
Published 2019 by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1996 Taylor & Francis
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 13: 978-0-367-29629-2 (hbk)
Contents
  1. xi
Guide
I started working on this book because the argument that technocrats and a strong state were sufficient to explain economic policymaking in authoritarian Chile seemed too pat, especially after the intense class conflict of the early 1970s. During the course of my research, Chile redemocratized and emerged as a paradigm of development for Latin America. Again, the arguments for elevating Chile to such stature struck me as too glib; greater caution regarding the lessons of Chile seemed more appropriate. I have accumulated many debts in the course of fleshing out those thoughts and in the writing of this book. To all those who made my sojourn possible, thank you. Because it is hard to do justice to all who helped me so generously and unselfishly, my apologies to anyone not properly recognized.
Many people read various drafts of either the whole manuscript or various chapters. Their commentary kept me from my worst excesses and enriched the content of the work immeasurably. My friends among them kept me going when my energy waned. Remaining problems, errors, and omissions are my fault alone. Special recognition must go to Paul Drake for his unflagging support over the years and his periodic descents into purgatory each time I passed him a new version of the manuscript. A very special thanks also to Bill Smith and Dennis Judd for their encouragement and help. My gratitude, moreover, extends to those who read and commented on the entire manuscript at various times including Peter Smith, Tim McDaniel, Arend Lijphart, Carlos Waisman, Bob Bauman, and Jillian Richman. Other friends and colleagues enriched separate chapters, especially Ben Schneider, Brian Loveman, Thomas Koelble, Robert Kaufman, Sylvia Maxfield, and David Bartlett.
A number of people responded to my requests for help with a generosity of spirit that warmed the heart. Among them are, Laurence Whitehead, Christopher Mitchell, Augusto Varas, Alvaro Plaza, Robert Spitch, Carlos Bascun, Juan Ignacio Varas, Jorge Desormeaux, Sergio de la Cuadra, Barbara Stallings, Carlos Cruz, Alberto Armstrong, and Rodrigo Montero. Alejandro Goya remained a friend through the decades. Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, Giorgio Alberti, Gary Gereffi, Stephan Haggard, and Eric Herschberg made me feel I was doing something worthwhile. Special thanks must go Vanessa Gray who, as copy-editor, labored over my prose and to Les Altstatt who typeset the book.
The following institutions provided crucial support: Fulbright-Hays, the Social Science Research Council, the University of California at San Diego, the University of Missouri-St. Louis, and the Department of Political Science and the Center for International Studies of the University of Missouri-St. Louis. The Escuela Superior de Administracin de Empresa and the Instituto de Administracin de Empresas of the Pontificia Universidad Catlica de Chile gave me an institutional home in Chile. Members of the Sociedad de Fomento Fabril, Sociedad Nacional de Agricultura, the Cmara Nacional de Comercio, and the Confederacin de la Produccin y Comercio patiently answered my questions and made contacts and data available to me.
For their endurance and support, I am fortunate to owe an unrepayable debt of gratitude to my family, both nuclear and extended.
Eduardo Silva
The State and Capital in Chile
1
Introduction
Chile emerged from seventeen years of military rule in the 1990s as a paradigm for free market economic reform and a model of democratic stability with greater social equity. The cumulative effect of these policies was Chile's metamorphosis from a highly protected, regulated industrializing economy to an open, free-market economy governed by prudent fiscal and stable monetary policies.
Observers look to Chile in search of lessons for other countries. They tend to stress the competence of economic policymaking teams insulated from social forces and the capacity of policymakers to learn from past mistakes in policy design, sequencing, and timing. To a large extent, this focus on the lessons of Chile rests on a particular interpretation of the relationship between capitalists and the state. Most of the literature on Chile's economic transformation argues that two factors suffice to explain the change: strong authoritarianism under General Augusto Pinochet and cohesive teams of free market-oriented technocrats with a capacity for learning. From this perspective, technocrats backed by a labor-repressing state carried out economic reforms over the objections of capitalists. The lesson: Strong states must insulate economic policymakers from social The lesson is considered valid for democratic governments as well. They too are advised to create highly cohesive technocratic policymaking teams with relatively high degrees of insulation from social forces. Policymakers are expected to remain in control of shaping agendas and formulating policy. Business, labor, and middle-class groups may be consulted afterwards, especially during the implementation stage of the policymaking process.
Competent policymakers, sound policy designs, social learning, and relative autonomy are undoubtedly important factors for economic reform. Yet the role of capitalists and landowners in Chile's neoliberal transformation has been consistently underplayed. This book argues that economic elites were more active in the policy process than previously thought; hence, they too are a necessary factor in the explanation of Chile's free-market economic restructuring. A comparison across three policy periods in authoritarian Chilegradual, radical, and pragmatic neoliberalismshows that distinctive, shifting (sometimes narrow) coalitions of businessmen and landowners, with varying power resources, played a significant part in the agenda-setting, formulation, and implementation stages of the policy process in each period. If the interaction between capitalists and the state existed in an extreme case such as the Chilean one, where the nature of the dictatorship and the cohesiveness of ideological technocrats made it difficult to discern, then it must be present in other cases as well. Furthermore, the evidence suggests that close interaction between capitalists and the state has been a central feature of economic and social policymaking in Chile's new democracy as well.
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