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Appalachian Land Ownership Task Force - Who Owns Appalachia?: Landownership and Its Impact

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Long viewed as a problem in other countries, the ownership of land and resources is becoming an issue of mounting concern in the United States. Nowhere has it surfaced more dramatically than in the southern Appalachians where the exploitation of timber and mineral resources has been recently aggravated by the ravages of strip-mining and flash floods. This landmark study of the mountain region documents for the first time the full scale and extent of the ownership and control of the regions land and resources and shows in a compelling, yet non-polemical fashion the relationship between this control and conditions affecting the lives of the regions people.

Begun in 1978 and extending through 1980, this survey of land ownership is notable for the magnitude of its coverage. It embraces six states of the southern Appalachian regionVirginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Alabama. From these states the research team selected 80 counties, and within those counties field workers documented the ownership of over 55,000 parcels of property, totaling over 20 million acres of land and mineral rights.

The survey is equally significant for its systematic investigation of the relations between ownership and conditions within Appalachian communities. Researchers compiled data on 100 socioeconomic indicators and correlated these with the ownership of land and mineral rights. The findings of the survey form a generally dark picture of the regionlocal governments struggling to provide needed services on tax revenues that are at once inadequate and inequitable; economic development and diversification stifled; increasing loss of farmland, a traditional source of subsistence in the region. Most evident perhaps is the adverse effect upon housing resulting from corporate ownership and land speculation. Nor is the trend toward greater conglomerate ownership of energy resources, the expansion of absentee ownership into new areas, and the search for new mineral and energy sources encouraging.

Who Owns Appalachia? will be an enduring resource for all those interested in this region and its problems. It is, moreover, both a model and a document for social and economic concerns likely to be of critical importance for the entire nation.

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WHO OWNS APPALACHIA WHO OWNS APPALACHIA Landownership and Its Impact The - photo 1
WHO OWNS APPALACHIA WHO OWNS APPALACHIA Landownership and Its Impact The - photo 2WHO OWNS
APPALACHIA?
WHO OWNS
APPALACHIA?
Landownership and Its Impact
The Appalachian Land Ownership Task Force With an Introduction by CHARLES C - photo 3
The Appalachian
Land Ownership
Task Force
With an Introduction by
CHARLES C. GEISLER
Portions of this book appeared originally in the first volume of the report - photo 4
Portions of this book appeared originally in the first volume of the report, Landownership Patterns and Their Impacts on Appalachian Communities: A Survey of Eighty Counties, in seven volumes, prepared by the Appalachian Land Ownership Task Force and submitted to the Appalachian Regional Commission in February 1981.
Copyright 1983 by The University Press of Kentucky
Introduction by Charles C. Geisler and maps
copyright 1983 by The University Press of Kentucky
Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth,
serving Bellarmine College, Berea College, Centre
College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University,
The Filson Club, Georgetown College, Kentucky
Historical Society, Kentucky State University,
Morehead State University, Murray State University,
Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University,
University of Kentucky, University of Louisville,
and Western Kentucky University.
Editorial and Sales Offices: Lexington, Kentucky 40506-0024
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data appears on page 236.
CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES CHARLES C GEISLER Introduction The New Lay of the Land - photo 5
LIST OF TABLES
CHARLES C GEISLER Introduction The New Lay of the Land The great majority - photo 6
CHARLES C. GEISLER
Introduction The New Lay of the Land The great majority of Americans would if - photo 7
Introduction
The New Lay of the Land
The great majority of Americans would, if asked, be at a loss to answer the three following questions: Who is the largest private land owner in their state of residence? How does one discover elemental information on market value, property taxes paid for a given parcel of land and real owner identity? Finally, is it true or false that patterns of landownership pervasively influence the quality of life in the community in which they reside? With each passing generation, Americans know less and less about the land, its ownership and control. Even less are we aware of how this yawning ignorance affects our lives and fortunes.
Sociologists tell us that the United States is a society of strangers, a rootless society, a profoundly alienated society. Certainly there are many sources of this social malaise. But one profound source of social alienation which most observers underestimate is that Americans have become physically alienated from their land (literally, to become a foreigner on ones land). A dwindling number of Americans own real property or make their livings from it. Few today have a sustained, personal acquaintance with the land that feeds, houses, provides energy, and otherwise sustains them. The preachers final pronouncement, from dust to dust, is for many their only encounter with a resource their recent ancestors depended on and experienced on a daily basis.
To think that we can sever our ties with the earth is an illusion of modern invention. Since colonial times and the early Independence era, land has been at the center of the American character, the American dream, and in some instances, the American nightmare. Consider the significance of our earliest social contractsthe Declaration of Independence and the Constitutionin establishing the bond between democracy and broad-based landownership. The former enthroned the pursuit of private property as a natural right. The latter construed ownership, once attained, as inalienable. No citizen was to be physically separated from legally held land except for public purposes and unless fair compensation was made.
Little wonder, then, that Alexis de Tocqueville, traveling in the United States in the 1830s and composing his prescient work, Democracy in America, observed that nowhere in the world do the majority of people display less inclination for those principles which threaten to alter in whatever manner, the laws of property. At the time of Tocquevilles visit to America, government records indicate that roughly a million acres of public lands had been surveyed and listed for sale as part of the homesteading philosophy that was to mark nineteenth-century America. Today, over a billion acres of land in the original public domain have passed into private ownership or have been granted to the states, producing a landed empire with few parallels in history.
So until very recently, access to land flowed in the bloodstream of the average American and formed the basic tissue of the social body. Social status depended on the land one owned. Political institutions were shaped and reshaped by land interestsfirst the gentry, then the yeoman farmer, more recently the embattled taxpayer. Land has been the bosom of American culture and the birthplaace of the economy. Even today, though our agrarian vestments have nearly vanished, the export of agricultural harvests is a safety net protecting the American dollar. It is hardly surprising, then, that land and land issues have been at the heart of American reform movements across generations.
The occasion for this volume is the appearance of what will be long remembered as a textbook on citizen-initiated land reform. In recent years, Appalachian residents of many descriptions have shared an intuition regarding the rural impoverishment for which their region is known. It is that landits distorted ownership and related abuseis something most reform legislation has ignored. This intuition spilled boldly into the public eye in 1977 when, in the wake of severe flooding on West Virginias Tug River, thousands of people were left homeless. Regional land abuses which intensified the flooding such as forced inhabitance of the flood plain and the inability of government to find alternative homesites for the victims were manifestly traceable to the monopoly of local land by coal companies.
The distress call issuing from the Tug River floods met with coal company indifference: the directors of these companies and their stockholders lived elsewhere. Hundreds of area residents, frustrated with such complacency, felt otherwise. This group, christened the Appalachian Alliance at its 1977 meeting in Williamstown, West Virginia, vowed to focus public attention on landownership distribution in the region and on how that distribution was eroding the metabolism of Appalachian community and culture. From the group emerged a citizens Task Force on Land. With guidance from the Highlander Center of New Market, Tennessee, and the Center for Appalachian Studies of Appalachian State University in Boone, North Carolina, the Task Force compiled the wealth of data on which this book is based.
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