Huia Tomlins-Jahnke - Mana Tangata

Huia Tomlins-Jahnke

Conversations about mana tangata are nearly always about human authority and upholding the dignity and wellbeing of a person or persons. The concept itself is deeply embedded in a dynamic system of kinship relationships and ancestral precedence that is mediated and guided by the value the community places on mana. Mana has to do with prestige, power and authority, and with both individual and collective wellbeing. Mori Marsden points out that included in the concept of mana are ideas inherent in words such as the Greek dunamai, from which are derived the words dynamic and dynamo. The derivative means to be capable or to have power, power in action and the power of the spoken word (Marsden 1997: 145). Interestingly, Marsden speaks about mana in terms of power to, power in or power of, and not power over, because customarily power was considered to be derived from higher forces ng atua or gods. People are never the source of power, but are agents through which the power of the gods may be expressed. Furthermore, the Mori view is that nature is not an object to be mastered by humankind, because in the Mori cosmos, humankind is the younger relation to flora and fauna. From this perspective it is possible to see how the notion of mana tangata focuses on the development of human potential. This includes providing opportunities for people to reach their full potential in efforts to ensure the health and wellbeing of their communities and of the generations to come.

Philosophies which underpin the concept of mana tangata are long standing and reinforced in customary traditions, socially founded values, ideals and norms. They are often manifest as legitimating charters against which, for example, it is possible to evaluate progress and assess the wellbeing of the collective and the contribution of an individual to society. Expertise, skills and knowledge are acknowledged as essential requisites for leading ones community; thus people with mana, besides those who have hereditary entitlements, tend to be in leadership roles. Proven works, skills and contributions made by an individual in the pursuit of collective aspirations provide human authority, or mana tangata.

This book is about Mori development and human authority associated with the collective whnau, hap and iwi and in the broadest sense highlights the social quality of mana tangata as requiring the recognition of achievement and of according respect where it is due (Mead 2003: 512). A basic premise of contemporary Mori endeavour in social, cultural or economic affairs is an expectation that state institutions and societal responses to aspirational ambition should enhance mana rather than diminish it. The negative impacts of colonisation exacted on the lives of Mori people and their communities since early contact, which some would argue still continue, have been those of profound loss, dispossession and disintegration economically, socially, culturally and psychologically. Despite this, Mori agency has remained complex and vibrant.

The underlying assumption of this text is that Mori people are best equipped to find solutions to challenges affecting Mori, based on a long history of endurance, resilience and survival power (Durie 2005). In order to redress injustices associated with a century and a half of colonial and neo-colonial government and state power, and if upholding the mana of the people is the primary aim, Mori agency in Mori affairs is critical.

The genesis of Mori development can be traced to the period of first settlement, when, far removed from the temperate island environment they had known, Mori learned to adjust to the challenges of a harsh climate and the relative vastness of a difficult terrain. Innovative techniques and technologies were developed, and over time a highly efficient economy evolved, based on imports and exports of food, technology and natural resources. The trading of produce and other goods between tribes was carried out mainly through a system of barter (Gardiner 1994). Following contact with Europeans, tribes in favourable locations prospered by growing and shipping produce for export as well as for local markets and settler communities. Some tribes invested in the purchase of capital goods such as shipping fleets and flour mills (Walker 1990). Although this tribal economic boom lasted little more than two decades, Mori were quickly able within that time to adapt to new corporate trading entities (Jahnke 2005).