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Matthew Kidd - The Renewal of Radicalism: Politics, Identity and Ideology in England, 1867-1924

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Matthew Kidd The Renewal of Radicalism: Politics, Identity and Ideology in England, 1867-1924
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The emergence of Labour politics in southern England represented the renewal of the working-class radical tradition. During the mid-Victorian era, working-class radicals formed lively political subcultures in towns and cities across the East Midlands, East Anglia and the South West. In the 1880s and 1890s, many of them embraced the collectivist spirit of the times and built local labour parties that would go on to become local branches of the national Labour Party. But even as they established new organisations, labour activists, as they came to be known, remained committed to the cultural assumptions, discursive practices and ideological beliefs of their political predecessors.
The renewal of radicalism maps the trajectory of Labour politics from its origins in a class-conscious radical tradition through to its emergence as a major electoral force in the 1920s. Focusing on largely neglected areas in provincial southern England, the book offers a new narrative of continuity that challenges conventional understandings of English political history. By applying the conceptual analysis of ideologies to the world of local politics, the book identifies, for the first time, the conceptual building blocks of radical and labourist ideologies, suggesting that both deserve to be treated separately from liberalism and socialism. Matthew Kidd offers a fresh perspective on the Labour Partys contribution to the nationalisation of political culture, the survival of restrictive assumptions about gender, place, work, nationality and race in the face of political and economic change, and the process through which political identities and ideologies were forged at a local level.

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The renewal of radicalism
The renewal of radicalism Politics identity and ideology in England 18671924 - photo 1
The renewal of radicalism
Politics, identity and ideology in England, 18671924
MATTHEW KIDD
Manchester University Press
Copyright Matthew Kidd 2020
The right of Matthew Kidd to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Published by Manchester University Press
Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA
www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN978 1 5261 4072 2hardback
First published 2020
The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
Typeset by Newgen Publishing UK
Contents
Parties, unions and organisations
BLEABristol and District Trades Council Labour Electoral Association
BSPBritish Socialist Party
BSSBristol Socialist Society
CPGBCommunist Party of Great Britain
ILPIndependent Labour Party
LAHULeicester Amalgamated Hosiery Union
LHALabour History Archive and Study Centre, Manchester
LRALiberal and Radical Association
LRCLabour Representation Committee
NALRWUNational Agricultural Labourers and Rural Workers Union
NUBSONational Union of Boot and Shoe Operatives
NUBSRFNational Union of Boot and Shoe Rivetters and Finishers
PLPParliamentary Labour Party
SDFSocial Democratic Federation
Abbreviations used only in references
ARannual reports
BILPIndependent Labour Party, Bristol branch
BLPBristol Labour Party
BROBristol Records Office
BTCBristol Trades Council
Ccorrespondence
CRconference reports
GCgeneral correspondence
GORpolitical memorabilia collection of Archibald Gorrie, Leicester
LPLabour Party
LRORecord Office for Leicestershire
LSEBritish Library of Political and Economic Science, London (known as LSE Library)
LUSCUniversity of Leicester Special Collections
Mminutes
MEAmunicipal election addresses
MRmonthly reports
MRCModern Records Centre
NCLNorthamptonshire Central Library
NEENorthampton election ephemera
NFRONorfolk Record Office
NHRONorthamptonshire Record Office
PEAparliamentary election addresses
TCTrades Councils
I would like to thank all those friends, family members and colleagues who have supported me through the writing of this book. In particular, I would like to thank Raen for her patience and understanding, Mum and Pove for their hospitality, Nan for everything, Jessie for her companionship and Christine for the books. I am also grateful to many people, in various capacities, for making this book possible. Above all, I would like to thank Sascha Auerbach and Dean Blackburn for their expert guidance and encouragement over the last eight years. My appreciation also goes to Chris Wrigley, Jon Lawrence, Luke Finley, Manchester University Press, Darren Treadwell at the Peoples History Museum and the hard-working staff at the libraries, archives and institutions that facilitated the research for this book.
Throughout the 1920s, Labour candidates and activists promised voters that if Labour was returned to office, they would begin to build a new social order. In their view, Labours position on the key issues of the day stood in stark contrast to those of their major rivals, the Conservatives and the Liberals. Unlike the old established parties of the past, Labour was a forward-looking party with a bold vision for the future.
But party activists also claimed that Labour had its roots in a much older political tradition. In their speeches and writings, Labour activists positioned their party as the rightful heir to a working-class radical tradition whose members had been at the forefront of campaigns for political and social reform in the mid- to late nineteenth century. Having emerged from this political tradition, Labour, it was argued, was best placed to put its historic ideals into effect.
This book contends that the emergence of labour politics in towns and cities across the East Midlands, East Anglia and the South West of England represented the renewal of the working-class radical tradition. In the mid- to late Victorian period, working-class radicals formed lively political subcultures in Bristol, Leicester, Lincoln, Northampton and Norwich. With a distinctive set of discursive practices and a unique vision of the social order, working-class radicals sustained local political subcultures that were distinct from, and sometimes opposed to, mainstream liberalism. They also articulated a coherent ideology and a highly expansive workerist notion of democracy that led them into conflict with classical liberals and proponents of populist forms of radicalism.
During the 1880s and 1890s, working-class radicals played a pivotal role in building local labour parties that would eventually affiliate to the national Labour Party, formed as the Labour Representation Committee (LRC) in 1900. They also began to display an increasing interest in using the state to remedy social ills such as unemployment, long working hours and poverty in old age. But while the transition from radical politics to labour politics represented an important organisational development, it did not reflect a substantive change in the way activists thought and spoke about themselves or the social order. Even as they formed new political organisations, labourists remained committed to the discursive strategies and ideological assumptions of their working-class radical predecessors.
Continuity, populism and class
Establishing lines of continuity between working-class radicalism and later forms of labour politics challenges conventional understandings of English political history. The three-stage model of British political development suggests that social and economic developments in the final decades of the nineteenth century forced radicals to renounce their loyalty to the cross-class Liberal Party and embrace alternative frameworks for understanding the socio-political order. Those swept up in the socialist revival of the 1880s began to advocate (among other things) the collective ownership of the means of production and direct labour representation on local and national governing bodies. The latter demand struck a chord with those who had come to describe themselves as labour activists, many of whom rejected the impractical doctrines of the socialists but supported the principle of labour (or trade union) representation. How to achieve this goal was a matter of heated debate within labour and socialist circles, but this did not stop activists from improvising at a local level. In some constituencies, socialist parties stood their own candidates in parliamentary and municipal elections. In others, socialists and labourists worked together to stand candidates in opposition to the Conservative and Liberal parties. And in others, labourists worked with the Liberal and Conservative parties to achieve their objectives, much to the chagrin of their socialist counterparts.
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