Hath made a shameful conquest of itself.
Labour with a black skin cannot emancipate itself where labour with a black skin is branded.
The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the colour line.
none of us can shrink from the challenge of racialism this Bill [The Race Relations Bill 1968] is to protect society as a whole against actions which will lead to social disruption and to prevent the emergence of a class of second-class citizens.
The reorganisation now of society on classless lines by the proletariat will release immense energies in an uninhibited environment. It is a miserable, cringing mentality, confined to the higher standard of living of our people, striving to hold on to what it has and to keep people where they are, which does not understand that the only way out is to give people new visions of themselves, so that they will find new ways to express them and to create new ties, new bonds and a new understanding between those who are now so divided.
This book is an attempt to put in historical perspective the Black presence in Britain as it relates to the development of British capitalism and its control and exploitation of black labour. The making of the black working class in twentieth-century Britain has been a long process, reflecting essential changes in Britains labour needs over time, both at home and abroad.
As overseas trade expanded, the discipline and control of labour (both black and white) became imperative to Britains economic well-being. To ensure the continued exploitation of colonial labour, an ideology based on racial differences, which bred an inferior/superior nexus both in interpersonal relations and in international trade, was constructed to keep Blacks in subjection.
Thus, plantocracy racism supported by British capitalists, politicians, historians and influential people of letters, engendered dogmatic belief in white supremacy and institutionalised racism in Britain and her colonial possessions. Consequently, the cultural transmission of racist ideas was handed down over generations. Historically, as Blacks in the colonies laboured under the inhuman and deplorable working conditions endemic in slavery, indentureship and trade union-regulated working conditions, in response, they resorted either spontaneously or in an organised way to various forms of resistance, creating in the process, their own ideologies of Indian nationalism, Pan Africanism and Black Power, and autonomous organisation. This tradition of struggle has, in turn, informed and strengthened the black working-class movements both in the colonies and Britain in recent years.
In order to avoid any confusion that might arise in the readers mind, it is perhaps necessary to define the black working class in the context of this book. In general, black refers to non-white persons, particularly those from former colonial and Commonwealth countries. Within this usage, there are sub-divisions denoting the various constituent groups: these are Africans, Asians, West Indians, Afro-Americans, Afro-Caribbeans, Asian-Caribbeans and Black British. Working class refers essentially to those unskilled and semi-skilled Blacks who came to Britain throughout the period, but particularly during the heavy post-war immigration in search of jobs.
The task of writing this book has been made less onerous by the encouragement of many people, particularly Tim OKeeffe and Louise Floyd; Ziggi Alexander, Jane Anthony, Crispin Cross, Ghazala Faizi, Moira Ferguson, Peter Fraser, Peter Fryer, David Hill, Peter Hogg, David Paisey, Lina Patel, Brian Rooney, Allen Synge and Rosina Visram. I would also like to thank many of my colleagues and members of staff in the British Library (at the Reference Division, Bloomsbury, the Newspaper Library, Colindale and the India Office Library); the staffs at the Public Records Office Library (Chancery Lane and Kew); the Library of Economics and Political Science; the Institute of Commonwealth Studies Library; the Labour Party Library, and A. Sivanandan, Director of the Institute of Race Relations for permission to use the Institutes unique collection of material. My grateful thanks to Jen Scallan for her assistance.
Finally, I am grateful to my parents, brothers and sisters for their invaluable support.
Ron Ramdin
Bloomsbury, London
14 April 1986
On 16 April 2016, a special event was held at Congress House in Central London to celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the completed manuscript of The Making of the Black Working Class in Britain. The occasion was filmed and a clip titled An Audience with Ron Ramdin was put online. Prior to the event, I was approached by Verso Books about republishing the book. For both the book and myself to be so honoured made me pause for reflection.
On its first publication in 1987, a book reviewer in New Society described it as a pioneering and valuable work of scholarship and interpretation. I was struck by valuable work of scholarship and interpretation. Why? Because hitherto Id not read such a positive reference to any book on the history of Black people in Britain, especially one featuring Black workers. Even more encouraging educationally, the book was widely read and used by researchers, students, and writers. As one author put it, he had cannibalised the book for his own work. As time passed, in-depth academic book reviews appeared in the British Journal of Sociology, the American Journal of Sociology and History Today among others; and the Times newspaper included it in its Pick of Paperbacks. Given that hitherto British historians had largely ignored the long-standing existence of Black and Asian people in Britain, from the outset, Id intended that The Making should take a long view of this hidden presence, certainly long enough to show continuity. In the context of an expansive history, this presence and contribution, I felt, would make more sense than it would in any short, largely general account and, at the same time, correct a widespread misunderstanding that Black people began coming to Britain only in the 1950s. Thus, given that there had been Black people in Britain since Roman times, I structured the book in three parts to cover the period from 1555 to 1986; a perspective which I thought was preferential if one was to better understand not only the pre-twentieth-century Black presence, but also the interwar period and the turbulent forty years prior to 1986. Overall, such a long view of Black people in Britain would, I felt, not only incorporate their multifaceted contribution both in war and peacetime, but also place