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Curtis Ullerich - Rural Employment manpower problems in China

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Rural Employment Manpower Problems IN CHINA Curtis Ullerich Rural Employment - photo 1
Rural Employment & Manpower Problems IN CHINA
Curtis Ullerich
Rural Employment & Manpower Problems In China
A PUBLICATION OF THE INSTITUTE OF ASIAN AFFAIRS HAMBURG A publication of the Institute of Asian - photo 2OF ASIAN AFFAIRS / HAMBURG
A publication of the Institute of Asian Affairs Hamburg The Institute of Asian - photo 3
Picture 4A publication of the Institute of Asian Affairs, Hamburg
The Institute of Asian Affairs pursues and promotes research on contemporary Asian affairs. It cooperates with other Institutes of regional studies in Hamburg which together form the Foundation German Overseas Institute.
Opinions expressed in the publications of the Institute of Asian Affairs are the authors'. They do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute.
First published 1978 by M.E. Sharpe
Reissued 2018 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1979 by Taylor & Francis
No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notices
No responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter of products liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use of operation of any methods, products, instructions or ideas contained in the material herein.
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility.
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Publisher's Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and welcomes correspondence from those they have been unable to contact.
A Library of Congress record exists under LC control number: 78063607
ISBN 13: 978-0-87332-128-0 (hbk)
ISBN 13: 978-1-315-17897-4 (ebk)
In memoriam
John Pizurki
who knew the old Ynnanfu in its squalor but never came to see the new Kunming.
Contents
Guide
List of Tables
The present study is an outgrowth of the author's puzzlement with an obvious paradox: Whereas the Chinese have always stressed the importance of their agricultural revolution in human, social and political terms, the community of Western observers has been increasingly fascinated by its more technological and quantitative achievements. While a great deal has been written about these latter aspects, Chinese invitations to take a closer look at the former ones have gone largely unheeded, particularly in the more economic-oriented quarters among China-watchers. The author himself confesses his guilt of omission and commission in this respect.
The present study, which is hardly more than a beginning, is his attempt to fill this lacuna to some extent. Having tried to study for long years what the Chinese produced, how great their GDP was, it is high time for him to pay more attention to their ways of dealing with their most precious factor, man and human labour.
As there is scant literature on this side of the Chinese experiment, only little secondary source material could be used. To a large extent the author relied on his own observations on the spot, gained during several visits, on subsequent discussions with Chinese economists and agriculturalists and on perusal of Chinese publications. It is hoped that the present study will thus contribute a few suggestions to the resuming debate on the future of the small-scale farmer, not only in the Chinese context, but in the Far East and the Third World in general, by shedding some light on approaches untried elsewhere.
CHAPTER I
Introduction
During twenty-seven years of gradual but rapid independent and original evolution, the Chinese model of social and economic development has become ever more interesting. Whereas at first most outside observers doubted that China's endeavours to solve her problems of backwardness, poverty, social disorder and economic disruption could have relevance for the non-Chinese world, not only because of the magnitude of the task and the extent of the disorganization that war and civil war had left behind, but also because of the overall approach chosen - Marxist-Leninist socialism - today it is almost undisputed that China's approach deserves a good deal of attention. The reasons are threefold:
  1. China has succeeded, after gradually breaking away from the Soviet model of socialist reconstruction, in making a full adaptation of what was originally an utterly foreign concept of socio-economic development which appears to work well, in integrating into it all the essential historical and modern elements of national life and production, and in coming up with a synthesis which is sui generis .
  2. On her way, she has encountered problems and obstacles which are exemplary of those most nations of the Third World have to face in their struggle out of underdevelopment, inequality, and dependence and toward modernization and prosperity.
  3. In the virtual absence of alternative solutions which have withstood the test of reality, her methods are prototypical for approaches which appear apt to bring about lasting increases in national production, more social justice for all classes of the population and a genuine qualitative improvement of the nation's material well-being.
The Chinese model is based on the premise that, contrary to what most other development models predicate, agriculture and rural reconstruction are the keys to the global improvement of society. Proceeding from this premise the Chinese have come up with very interesting and original answers to such key problems as capital formation in underdeveloped societies, the generation of internal surplus for investment and the replacement of what is usually the scarcest production factor, capital, by the one that is usually the most abundant, labour. These answers are the product of a highly inventive and original process of thinking and re-thinking the needs and requirements of a backward society from the standpoint of the suffering masses, not of a privileged elite. It was born not out of the acceptance of a priori , theoretical assumptions borrowed from societies that have attained incomparably more developed patterns of productivity and prosperity, but rather from a sober, unbiased analysis of the Chinese material and political situation, applying the methodological tools of Marxism (as witnessed by one of their earliest writings on the subject, Mao's Report on the Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan ). The responses subsequently formulated were also based on the Marxist instrumentarium. One of the more interesting items in this arsenal is the role and use of labour in changing the material and social environment, in "making the Revolution".
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